General
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UNIT 6:DIGNITY AND SELF-RELIANCE
6.1.1. Home-grown solutions (initiatives)
Home -Grown Initiatives (HGIs) are Rwanda’s brain child solutions to economic
and social development. They are practices developed by the Rwandan
citizens based on local opportunities, cultural values and history to fast track
their development. Being locally created, HGIs are appropriate to the local
development context and have been the bedrock to the Rwandan development
successes for the last decade.
HGIs are development/governance innovations that provide unconventional
responses to societal challenges. They are based on:
─ National heritage/legacy
─ Historical consciousness
─ Strive for self-reliance
HGIs include Umuganda (community work), Gacaca (truth and reconciliation
traditional courts), Abunzi (mediators), Imihigo (performance contracts),
Ubudehe (community-based and participatory effort towards problem solving),
Itorero and Ingando (solidarity camps), Umushyikirano (national dialogue),
Umwiherero (National Leadership Retreat) and Girinka (One cow per Family
program). They are all rooted in the Rwandan culture and history and therefore
easy to understand by the communities.
Self-reliance: This is a state of being independent in all aspects. The
independence could be social, political or economic.
6.1.2. Abunzi – Community mediators
The word “abunzi” can be translated as “those who reconcile” or “those who
bring together” (from verb kunga). In the traditional Rwanda, abunzi were men
and women for their integrity and were asked to intervene in the event of conflict.
Each conflicting party would choose a person considered trustworthy, known
as a problem-solver, who was unlikely to alienate either party. The purpose of
this system was to settle disputes and also to reconcile the conflicting parties
and restore harmony within the affected community.
Abunzi can be seen as a hybrid form of justice combining traditional with modern
methods of conflict resolution. The reintroduction of the Abunzi system in 2004
was motivated in part by the desire to reduce the accumulation of court cases,
as well as to decentralise justice and make it more affordable and accessible for
citizens seeking to resolve conflicts without the cost of going to court. Today,
Abunzi is fully integrated into Rwanda’s justice system.
a. Conflict resolution through community participation
Historically, the community, and particularly the family, played a central role in
resolving conflicts. Another mechanism for this purpose was inama y’umuryango
(meaning ‘family meetings or gatherings) in which relatives would meet to find
solutions to family problems. Similar traditions existed elsewhere, such as the
“dare” in Zimbabwe. These traditional mechanisms continue to play important
roles in conflict resolution regarding land disputes, civil disputes and, in some
instances, criminal cases.
The adoption of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms in Rwanda emerged
from the recognition of a growing crisis in a judiciary where it had become
almost impossible to resolve disputes efficiently and in a cost-effective manner.
The Government of Rwanda concluded that modern judicial mechanisms of
dispute resolution were failing to deliver and so the decision was taken to
examine traditional mediation and reconciliation approaches as alternatives.
By doing so, it would not only help alleviate the pressure on conventional
courts but also align with the policy objective of a more decentralised justice
system. In addition, the conflict resolution mechanisms rooted in Rwandan
culture were perceived as less threatening, more accessible and therefore more
intimate. Those who referred their cases to Abunzi were more comfortable
seeking mediation from within their community, which afforded them a better
understanding of the issues at hand.
b. Establishment of the mediation committees ( Abunzi committe)
In 2004, the Government of Rwanda established the traditional process of
abunzi as an alternative dispute resolution mechanism.
Established at the cell and sector levels, abunzi primarily address family disputes,
such as those relating to land or inheritance. By institutionalizing Abunzi, low
level legal issues could be solved at a local level without the need to be heard in
conventional courts. Citizens experiencing legal issues are asked to first report
to abunzi, cases not exceeding 3,000,000 Frs (for land and other immovable
assets) and 1,000,000 Rwf (for cattle and other movable assets). Cases of these
types can only be heard in a conventional court if one party decides to appeal
the decision made at the sector level by the mediation committee.
As the Abunzi system gained recognition as a successful method to resolve
conflict and deliver justice, the importance of providing more structure and
formality to their work increased. Consequently, the abunzi started receiving
trainings on mediating domestic conflicts and support from both governmental
and non-governmental organizations to improve the quality of their mediation
services.
6.1.3. Gacaca – Community courts
The word gacaca refers to the small clearing where a community would
traditionally meet to discuss issues of concern. People of integrity (elders and
leaders) in the village known as inyangamugayo would facilitate a discussion
that any member of the community could take part in. Once everyone had
spoken, the inyangamugayo would reach a decision about how the problem
would be solved. In this way, Gacaca acted very much as a traditional court.
If the decision was accepted by all members of the community, the meeting
would end with sharing a drink as a sign of reconciliation. If the parties were
not happy with the decision made at Gacaca, they had the right to take their
case to a higher authority such as a chief or even to the king.
One aspect particular to traditional Gacaca is that any decision handed down
at the court impacted not only the individual but also their family or clan as
well. If the matter was of a more serious nature and reconciliation could not
be reached, the inyangamugayo could decide to expel the offenders or the
members of their group from the community.
The most common cases to come before Gacaca courts were those between
members of the same family or community. It was rare for members of other
villages to be part of the courts and this affirmed the notion of Gacaca as a
community institution.
Colonisation had a significant impact on the functioning of Gacaca and in 1924
the courts were reserved only for civil and commercial cases that involved
Rwandans. Those involving colonisers and criminal cases were processed under
colonial jurisdiction. While the new justice systems and mechanisms imported
from Europe did not prohibit Gacaca from operating, the traditional courts saw
far fewer cases. During the post colonial period, the regimes in power often
appointed administrative officials to the courts which weakened their integrity
and eroded trust in Gacaca.
The Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994 virtually destroyed all government and
social institutions and Gacaca was no different. While Gacaca continued after
the Genocide, its form and role in society had been significantly degraded.
a. Contemporary Gacaca as a home-grown solution
Contemporary Gacaca was officially launched on June 18, 2002 by President
Paul Kagame. This took place after years of debate about the best way to give
justice to the survivors of the Genocide and to process the millions of cases that
had risen following the Genocide.
Contemporary Gacaca draws inspiration from the traditional model by
replicating a local community-based justice system with the aim of restoring
the social fabric of the society. In total, 1,958,634 genocide related cases were
tried through Gacaca. The courts are credited with laying the foundation for
peace, reconciliation and unity in Rwanda. The Gacaca courts officially finished
their work ten years later on June 18, 2012.
Gacaca first began as a pilot phase in 12 sectors across the country one per
each province as well as in the City of Kigali. After the pilot, the courts were
implemented across the country and the original Organic Law No. 40/2000
(January 26, 2001) was replaced by the Organic Law No. 16/2004 (June 19,
2004) which then governed the Gacaca process.
b. The aims of the contemporary Gacaca
─ Expose the truth about the Genocide against the Tutsi
─ Speed up genocide trials
─ Eradicate impunity
─ Strengthen unity and reconciliation among Rwandans
─ Draw on the capacity of Rwandans to solve their own problems.
These activities were carried out at three levels of jurisdiction: the Gacaca
Court of the cell, the Gacaca Court of the Sector, and the Gacaca Court of appeals.
There were 9013 cell courts, 1545 Sector courts and 1545 Courts of Appeal
nationwide.
According to the statistics given by National service of Gacaca Courts, the Gacaca
Courts were able to try 1,958,634 cases of genocide within a short time (trials
have begun on to 10/3/2005 in pilots sectors). This is on irrefutable evidence
of the collective will and ability of Rwandans to overcome huge challenges of
their country and work for its faster development basing on “ Home grown
solutions”
6.1.3 Girinka Munyarwanda- One Cow per Poor Family Programme
The word girinka (gira inka) can be translated as “may you have a cow” and
describes a centuries’ old cultural practice in Rwanda whereby a cow was
given by one person to another, either as a sign of respect and gratitude or as a
marriage dowry.
Girinka was initiated in response to the alarmingly high rate of childhood
malnutrition and as a way to accelerate poverty reduction and integrate
livestock and crop farming.
The programme is based on the premise that providing a dairy cow to poor
households helps to improve their livelihood as a result of a more nutritious
and balanced diet from milk, increased agricultural output through better soil
fertility as well as greater incomes by commercialising dairy products.
Since its introduction in 2006, more than 203,000 beneficiaries have received
cows. Girinka has contributed to an increase in agricultural production in
Rwanda - especially milk products which have helped to reduce malnutrition
and increase incomes. The program aimed at providing 350,000 cows to poor
families by 2017.
a. Traditional Girinka
Two methods, described below, come under the cultural practice known as
gutanga inka, from which Girinka is derived.
Kugabira: Translated as “giving a cow”; such an act is often done as a sign of
appreciation, expressing gratitude for a good deed or to establish a friendship.
Ubuhake: This practice established a relationship between the donor and
beneficiary. An informal but highly valued social contract was established
which was fulfilled through the exchange of services such as cultivating the
farm of the donor, looking after the cattle or simply vowing loyalty.
For centuries the cow has been considered as a symbol of prosperity in Rwanda
and was used in barter trade before colonisation. For these reasons, the whole
chain of social relationships across the country has been built around cattle for
generations. This remains true up-to-date.
The 20th century experienced a dramatic shift in the social understanding of
what it meant to own cattle in Rwanda. Before colonisation, there was little
distinction between cattle keepers and those who cultivated. Herders and
cultivators often worked together to achieve greater agricultural production.
During this time while owning cattle was associated with being rich, herders
and cultivators alike faced the challenges of drought, poor soil fertility and the
country’s topography. The arrival of colonisation, however, brought a change
in these understandings and cultural practices. The cow was used to divide
Rwandans along “ethnic” lines and cattle became a symbol of elitism and a
commodity reserved only for a portion of the country’s people.
While significant progress had been made since the genocide in improving the
livelihoods of its people, Rwanda continued to face high levels of poverty and
childhood malnutrition. It was with these indicators in mind that Girinka was
established in 2006.
b. Contemporary Girinka
Girinka was introduced in 2006 against a backdrop of alarmingly high levels of
poverty and childhood malnutrition. The results of the Integrated Household
Living Conditions Survey 2 (EICV 2) conducted in 2005 showed rural poverty
at 62.5%. The Comprehensive Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis (CFSVA) and Nutrition Survey showed that 28% of Rwanda’s rural population were
food-insecure and that 24% of the rural population were highly vulnerable to
food insecurity.
The survey showed that in some parts of the country (such as Bugesera), up to
40% of the households were food insecure. The Demographic Health Survey of
2005 indicated that 45% of Rwandan children under the age of five had moderate chronic malnutrition and 19% had severe chronic malnutrition. At that
time, 90% of the Rwandans lived in households that owned some farming land
and more than 60% of the households cultivated less than 0.7 hectares of land,
according to the EICV2. It was these factors that provided the catalyst for the
Girinka programme.
c. The objectives of the Girinka programme
─ Reducing poverty through dairy cattle farming.
─ Improving livelihoods through increased milk consumption and
income generation.
─ Improving agricultural productivity through the use of manure as
fertilizer.
─ Improving soil quality and reducing erosion through the planting of
grasses and trees.
Promoting unity and reconciliation among Rwandans based on the cultural
principle that if a cow is given from one person to another, it establishes trust,
respect and friendship between the donor and the beneficiary. While this was
not an original goal of Girinka, it has evolved to become a significant aspect of
the program.
The program is structured in two phases. First, a community member
identified as someone who would greatly benefit from owning a cow is given a
pregnant dairy cow. That person benefits from its milk and manure production.
Beneficiaries are then obliged to give the first born female calf to another
worthy beneficiary in their community. This is known as the ‘pass on’ principle,
or kuziturirana/kwitura.
Girinka has been described as a culturally inspired social safety net program
because of the way it introduces a productive asset (a dairy cow) which can
provide long-term benefits to the recipient. Approved on 12 April 2006 by
Cabinet decision, Girinka originally aimed to reach 257,000 beneficiaries;
however, this target was revised upwards in 2010 to 350,000 beneficiaries by
2017. The Government of Rwanda was initially the sole funder of the Girinka
program, but development partners have since become involved in the program.
This has led to an increase in the number of cows being distributed.
Girinka is one of a number of programs under Rwanda’s Vision 2020, a set of
development objectives and goals designed to move Rwanda to a middle income
nation by the year 2020. By September 2014 close to 200,000 beneficiaries had
received a cow.
6.1.4 Imihigo – Performance contracts
The word Imihigo is the plural Kinyarwanda word of umuhigo, which means to
vow to deliver. Imihigo also include the concept of guhiganwa, which means to
compete among one another. Imihigo practices existed in pre colonial Rwanda
and have been adapted to fit the current challenges of the Rwandan society.
a. Traditional Imihigo
Imihigo is a pre-colonial cultural practice in Rwanda where an individual sets
targets or goals to be achieved within a specific period of time. The person must
complete these objectives by following guiding principles and be determined to
overcome any possible challenge that arises. Leaders and chiefs would publicly
commit themselves to achieving certain goals. In the event that they failed,
they would face shame and embarrassment from the community. Definitions
however vary on what constitutes a traditional Imihigo. Some have recalled it
as having a basis in war, where warriors would throw a spear into the ground
while publicly proclaiming the feats they would accomplish in battle.
b. Contemporary Imihigo
Imihigo were re-initiated by Rwanda’s President, Paul Kagame, in March 2006.
This was as a result of the concern about the speed and quality of execution
of government programs and priorities. The government’s decentralisation
policy required a greater accountability at the local level. Its main objective
was to make public agencies and institutions more effective and accountable
in their implementation of national programs and to accelerate the socioeconomic development agenda as contained in the Vision 2020 and Economic
Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS) policies as well as the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Today, Imihigo are used across the government as performance contracts and
to ensure accountability. All levels of government, from the local district level
to ministries and embassies, are required to develop and have their Imihigo
evaluated. Members of the public service also sign Imihigo with their managers
or head of institution.
While Imihigo are now widely used across government, it first began at
the district level. When developing its Imihigo, each local government
administrative unit determines its own objectives (with measurable indicators)
taking into account national priorities as highlighted in the national as well as
international strategy and policy documents such as the MDGs, Vision 2020,
EDPRS, District Development Plans (DDPs) and Sector Development Plans
(SDPs). The Imihigo, at both planning and reporting phases, are presented
to the public for the purpose of accountability and transparency. The mayors
and province governors also sign the Imihigo or performance contracts with
Rwanda’s President committing themselves to achieving set objectives. The
Imihigo process ensures the full participation and ownership of citizens
because priorities are developed at the grassroots level.
Between 2006 and 2009 a limited evaluation process took place whereby the
best ten performing districts from across the nation were reviewed (two from
each province and the City of Kigali). Each province and the City of Kigali would
rank the performance of their districts with the top two then communicated to
the national evaluation team. This team then conducted their own review and
ranked them from 1-10. This approach suffered from significant limitations
including the fact that it was not possible to objectively compare the performance
of all districts because while one province may have had better performing
districts than another, this system did not allow that to be discovered.
Due to these shortcomings, a nation-wide district Imihigo evaluation exercise
was conducted in 2010 for all the thirty districts. A national evaluation
committee with technical expertise and experience conducts this process.
Undertaken by a multi-sector team of experts from government, the private
sector and civil society institutions, the first Imihigo evaluation was launched
on May 11, 2010 and completed on June 17, 2010. The evaluation exercise was
significant because it was the first time that the Government of Rwanda had
thoroughly assessed the degree to which district priorities and targets were
realised against their Imihigo. The exercise acknowledged key achievements
and challenges in the areas of planning, implementation, reporting and
communication.
c. Principles and objectives of Imihigo
Imihigo are guided by the following principles:
Local: Each district decides what goes into its Imihigo. However, alignment with
national priorities is required.
Ambitious: Pledges are made to achieve only what has not already been gained
or achieved.
Excellence: Imihigo is about outstanding performance.
Imihigo aims at:
─ Speeding up implementation of the local and national development
agenda.
─ Promoting accountability and transparency;
─ Promoting result-oriented performance.
─ Instilling innovation and encourage competitiveness.
─ Engaging stakeholders (citizens, civil society, donors, private sector,
etc) in policy formulation and evaluation.
─ Promoting zeal and determination to achieve set goals.
─ Instilling the culture of regular performance evaluation.
d. Imihigo preparation process
Imihigo and action plans are used by the Government of Rwanda to define
goals, targets and objectives. While different in their purpose, the two tools are
interlinked. The action plan is a set of activities to be achieved within a set time
period, usually a period of one year. Imihigo are a subset of the action plan
showing priority activities to be used as a performance measure. The action
plan may contain any number of activities of a routine nature such as payment
of salaries whereas Imihigo define targets that have a significant impact on
economic development, poverty reduction, good governance and social welfare.
When Imihigo are developed, the Rwandan Government leaders are advised
to ask some key questions before including activities in Imihigo. Activities
that answer positively to the questions outlined below are given priority
consideration.
1. Will the activity impact positively on the welfare of the local population
(water access, transport, energy access, schools, etc.)?
2. Does it create jobs for the local population?
3. Does it create income generating opportunities for the population /local
government?
4. Does it have an impact on poverty reduction?
5. Is it a priority for the residents in the area?
6. Does the activity have synergy with development of other areas (an
activity may have potential to impact development in neighbouring
areas)?
7. Is the activity sustainable or are the results sustainable?
8. Is there ownership from the local population for the activity?
9. Does it help to achieve the national targets and is it linked to the national
and international priorities, programs or policies (MDGs, EDPRS, Vision
2020)?
10. Can the activity produce quality results/outputs with minimum
resources?
11. Can it improve the way services are delivered or reduce costs?
12. Does the activity promote social cohesion (unity and reconciliation)?
13. Does the activity reduce social disturbances (insecurity, drug abuse,
prostitution, environmental degradation, conflicts, corruption, etc.)?
14. Does it address key cross cutting issues (gender, HIV/AIDS, environment,
social inclusion and youth)?
15. Has the source of funds for implementation been determined?
16. Is it realistic and can it be achieved?
Imihigo is the result of a participatory process of identifying and implementing
priorities from the grassroots to the national level. In the process of identifying
priorities, each level demonstrates its contribution to the achievement of the
development goals. The table below describes who prepares Imihigo from the
individual to provincial level.
Step 1: Identification of national priorities by the central government
Each ministry identifies national priorities to be implemented at local levels
for which they have earmarked resources that they will transfer to local
governments.
Consultation on the following policies and programs occurs:
Vision 2020.
Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS).
Government of Rwanda programs and policies.
National Leadership Retreat and National Dialogue resolutions.
Cabinet resolutions.
Three Year Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF)
Five Year District Development Plan (DDP).
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Seven Year Government Program.
Where they do not have earmarked resources, line ministries identify how the
resources, whether financial or non-financial, can be mobilised (both national
and local).The central government consolidates the priorities paying special
attention to areas of quick wins and synergy while avoiding duplication.
Step 2: Communication of national priorities to the local government
The list of central government priorities is communicated and discussed with
local government leaders at a forum of central and local government leaders.
Step 3: Identification of local priorities
District leaders consult their District Development Plans (DDPs). Consultative
meetings with different stakeholders are held at province/Kigali City, districts,
sector, cell and village levels to discuss and consolidate the emerging priorities.
Step 4: Preparation and approval
Firstly, districts consult their respective DDPs and national priorities as
communicated in the forum/meeting between central and local governments.
Secondly, local and national priorities at district level are consolidated. Thirdly,
the draft (for district and province/City of Kigali) is discussed with Quality
Assurance Technical Team (from the Ministry of Local Government and
Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning). Fourth, priorities are presented
to stakeholders. Finally, priorities are approved.
The Quality Assurance Technical Team was set up to assist the districts and
provinces/Kigali City in preparing tangible Imihigo that respond to national
targets. The Quality Assurance Technical Team is composed of members of the
Imihigo evaluation team, the Office of the Prime Minister (PMO), the Ministry of
Local Government (MINALOC) and Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning
(MINECOFIN) as well as all sector ministries that are part of decentralization
including:
─ Ministry of Health
─ Ministry of Education
─ Ministry of Agriculture
─ Ministry of Infrastructure
─ Ministry of Trade and Industry
The team gives regular feedback to district planners during the process of
preparing Imihigo. District leaders across Rwanda are asked to prepare plans
that are realistic, take into account the cost of delivering services as well as the
available resources. To make sure that proper monitoring and evaluation can
be conducted, indicators, targets and outputs must be clearly identified in the
planning process.
e. Monitoring and evaluation
A full evaluation of Imihigo takes place once a year. Evaluation teams are
established to carry out the process in all districts (each province and the City of
Kigali). The terms of reference for the team are distributed to all team members
beforehand to ensure proper understanding of the exercise.
The evaluation team is made up of people with skills in planning, monitoring
and evaluation (this might include a director general, coordinators and experts).
Objectivity is also assessed to make sure that any person with potential bias is
excluded from the team.
The methodology for the evaluation (including scoring) is developed and
communicated to local government in advance of the evaluation exercise. The
evaluation used is a standard template developed against the Imihigo of each
district.
After analysing the Imihigo reports received from the districts, the evaluation
team conducts field visits to specific activities for verification and assessment
purposes.
After the field visits and verification of selected activities, the team scores/
assesses performance against Imihigo targets and provides a written report.
f. Reporting
Districts report their Imihigo progress to the provincial level on a monthly basis.
Reporting to the national level is completed quarterly (in line with the timelines
of the EDPRS). An assessment of the progress in implementing Imihigo is done
after six months, while a full evaluation is done at the end of each fiscal year. The
assessment and evaluation of Imihigo is conducted by the National Evaluation
Team whose composition is shown in the table above.
6.1.5 Itorero - Civic education
a. Introduction
Itorero was an educational institution where Rwandans would learn Language,
Patriotism, Social Studies, Sports, Creative Arts, Martial Arts, good governance,
the spirit of courage, integrity, and synergy while dealing with challenges
because Intore would never give way to defeat so that should be the very legacy
we hand over to our posterity. This program was reintroduced in 2007 as an
appropriate tool of achieving the goals of all Visions and enhance sustainable
development through Rwandan culture values. Participants were encouraged
to critically discuss, explore and analyse Rwandan cultural values with the aim
of instilling its values, which would in turn give them the lifelong foundation in
the way they mirror their social environment, shape their conduct, tune their
mind-set, their way of doing things, and mound their social interaction.
b. Traditional Itorero program
As a traditional school, itorero trainers planned daily activities according to
different priorities. The common belief was that intore were different from the
rest of the community members, especially in matters of thoughts, expression
and behaviour they were expected to be a role model in social relations, quick
thinkers and knowledgeable. Each Itorero included participants of various age
groups and had its own unique name. The best performer (Indashyikirwa)
would receive cows or land as award.
The tradition of Itorero provided formative training for future leaders. These
community leaders and fighters were selected from intore (a person trained
through Itorero. Itorero was found at three levels of traditional governance:
the family, the chief, and the king’s court. At the family level, both girls and
boys would be educated on how to fulfil their responsibilities as defined by
the expectations of their communities. For example, the man was expected to
protect his family and the country, while the woman was expected to provide
a good home and environment for her family. Adults were also asked to treat
every child as their own in order to promote good behaviour among children
At the chief level, a teenage boy was selected by either his father or head of the
extended family to be introduced to the chief so that he could join his Itorero.
Selection was based on good behaviour among the rest of his family and his
community.
At the king’s court level, the person selected to join this highest level of Itorero
could either be the son of a man who went through the king’s Itorero or a young
man who distinguished himself while in the chief’s Itorero. The king could also
select the young man who would join his Itorero based on his own observations
of the candidate in action.
Both the chief and king’s itorero trainings lasted for long periods of time to
test the perseverance of the participants. Those who performed well would
be rewarded with cows, allowed to return home and get married, or were
nominated to various national duties. Intore who lead/represent others were
called Intore zo ku mukondo, which translates as the ‘frontline Intore’.
From 1924 to 1994, Itorero was banned by the colonial rule and further by
the post-independence regimes. Itorero lost its significance which resulted in
distortions of the Rwandan culture and breakdown of Rwandan social fabric,
mutual support and selfless service to the nation. The Itorero during and after
the colonial period were different in the sense that they focused on singing and
dancing only. These distortions are indubitably among the main causes of the
1994 Genocide against the Tutsi which devastated the Rwandan society.
c. Contemporary National Itorero program
In the aftermath of the Genocide against the Tutsi, the Government of Rwanda
reintroduced Itorero in view of societal transformation. This HGS translated as
Civic Education Program, was adopted following the top leadership retreat in
February 2007.
The Government of Rwanda established the National Itorero Commission
(Reference: Law N0 41/2013 of 26/06/2013) as public Institution with the
objective of build a patriotic Rwandan who has values and taboos of the Rwandan
culture and who has Ubutore culture. The commission was entrusted with
developing a program that allowed all Rwandans from diverse backgrounds
to undertake personal development and contribute to the wellbeing of the
communities where they live or that they serve. The Itorero program provides
opportunities for participants to enhance positive values, build a sense of
responsibility through patriotism and gain professional knowledge.
Itorero operates on the following structure namely “Ingamba” in
Kinyarwanda
1. Children of 0-5 years old called Ibirezi/Nursery,
2. Children of 6-12 years old (Imbuto)/Primary level,
3. Children of 13-18 years old (Indirira)/Secondary level
Those groups be trained through Itorero at Village and school level with
intention to help them grow up and become responsible citizens.
• Compulsory National Service (Urugerero) is designed for those between
the ages of 18 and 35 (Indahangarwa)/University & Professionals
levels who have completed secondary education.
• Other years old Ingobokarugamba/Professionals
• From 56 years old and above (Inararibonye/Experts)
Those groups are given the opportunity to do so according to their professional
backgrounds.
• Rwandan citizens living abroad also join Itorero program and a number
of young Rwandans living abroad participate in Itorero indangamirwa
course in Rwanda
• Non-nationals desiring to participate and provide service to the
country can also do so.
• University graduates and retired people who participated in Urugerero
before and wish to do so again are also given the opportunity to join
Itorero.
Curriculum/content/Program
The curriculum content for Itorero ry’igihugu is unique to Rwanda since it is
based on principles of intore and values peculiar to the Rwandan culture while
Urugerero (National Service) on the other hand, has much in common with
what takes place in other countries. Different curricula have been developed to
suit the program’s varied participants.
The values at the core of contemporary Itorero are unity, patriotism, selflessness,
integrity, responsibility, volunteerism and humility.
1. Unity: The state of being joined together to form one unit. A genuine
vehicle of “the same wisdom, the same vision of the world, and the
perception of political life
2. Patriotism: Love and allegiance to the nation and the government of the
Republic of Rwanda
3. Selflessness: the renunciation of one’s own interests in favour of the
interests of others. The spirit of not putting one’s self first but being
willing to give one’s time and resources for the benefit of others.
4. Integrity: the act of consistency of actions, values, methods, measures,
principles, expectations and outcome.
5. Responsibility: the obligation and authority to take the necessary
actions to ensure success. The obligation for the proper custody, care,
and safekeeping of resources entrusted to the possession or supervision
of an individual.
6. Volunteerism: Volunteering is the practice of people working for a
particular cause without payment for their time and services. It is the
desire to undertake by choice and free will a task or work for the benefit
of the wider community beyond the volunteer’s immediate family and
friends
7. Humility: defined as a disposition to be humble; a lack of false pride.
This attribute increases one’s willingness to listen to others.
Contemporary Itorero includes 5 major activities in each Itorero session:
Participants performing practical exercise (Umukorongiro) simulating the
exercises of moving people from a certain living condition to another one.
Civic or political component of the training included an Introduction to the
Legacy of Rwanda in general and a history of the liberation struggle in particular,
National strategy for transformation and African development
Participants
Participating in Itorero is the right of every Rwandan, regardless of status and
social group.
Training is adapted for the group participating in Itorero relevant to their
profession, age and category. For example, Local leaders, Student within
Country and living abroad, journalists, veterinary and agronomist, drivers,
electriciticians, teachers, education professionals, health workers… have been
trained on activities, service delivery, good governance and so on.
6.1.6. Ubudehe – Social categorisation for collective action and mutual support
Ubudehe refers to the long-standing Rwandan practice and culture of collective
action and mutual support to solve problems within a community. It is one
of Rwanda’s best known Home Grown Solution because of its participatory
development approach to poverty reduction. In 2008, the program won the
United Nations Public Service Award for excellence in service delivery. Today
Ubudehe is one of the country’s core development programs.
a. Traditional Ubudehe
The origin of the word Ubudehe comes from the practice of preparing fields
before the rainy season and finishing the task in time for planting. A community
would cultivate clear the fields together to make sure everyone was ready for
the planting season. Once a community had completed Ubudehe for everyone
involved, they would assist those who had not been able to take part, such as the
very poor. After planting the partakers gathered and shared beer. Therefore, the
focus of traditional Ubudehe was mostly on cultivation. It is not known exactly
when Ubudehe was first practiced, but it is thought to date back more than a
century.
Ubudehe was an inclusive cultural practice involving men, women and members
of different social groups. As almost all members of the community took part,
the practice often led to increased solidarity, social cohesion, mutual respect
and trust.
Colonisation and the introduction of a cash-based economy weakened the
practice of Ubudehe as some members of the community were able to recruit
some people to perform agricultural works for payment. While this trend
occurred across the country, in some places Ubudehe was still practiced until
the 1980s.
b. Contemporary Ubudehe
Contemporary Ubudehe is a poverty reduction initiative by the Government of
Rwanda which provides communities with the skills and support necessary to
engage in problem solving and decision making for their development. This
programme was conceived through a set of meetings of political, social, legal
and religious leaders between 1998 and 1999 known as the Urugwiro Debates.
These gathering discussed the most pressing issues concerning national
reconstruction after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The Urugwiro
Debates prioritised policies and programs that promoted collective action and
that upheld the principles of decentralisation.
After Urugwiro Debates, Ubudehe was reintroduced into Rwandan life in 2001
as a way to better involve communities in their development by setting up
participatory problem solving mechanisms. The program helps citizens to use
local institutions to achieve goals set by the community.
The program was seen as a way to strengthen democratic processes and good
governance through greater community involvement in decision making
process. In this regard, Ubudehe creates opportunities for people at all levels of
the society, especially the village level, to interact with one another, share ideas,
create institutions and make decisions for their collective development.
Ubudehe has its roots in the Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) whereby
citizens would self identify as poor or otherwise according to a set of criteria.
The objective of the PPA was to help community groups and some poor
households to create their own problem solving strategies.
c. Evolution of Ubudehe
The programme was reinstituted and launched in a pilot phase in Butare
prefecture (known today as Huye) by the Ministry of Finance and Economic
Planning and the Ministry of Local Government in 2001. The pilot covered
all 769 cellules in the prefecture. The pilot was carried out as a way for the
government to test the methodology of Ubudehe as well as to demonstrate its
potential for nationwide adoption. After a positive assessment at the end of the
two year pilot, Ubudehe was rolled out nationally.
The national roll out of Ubudehe took place between 2004 and 2006 as the
programme was officially adopted as a national policy overseen by the Ministry
of Local Government.
Ubudehe took place between 2007 and 2012. This was at the same time as
an administrative restructure which saw the creation of 14,837 villages
(Umudugudu) as the lowest level of government organisation. In 2011-12,
Ubudehe was conducted in ten districts and in 2012-13 Ubudehe was conducted
in 15 districts.
The Government of Rwanda planned to carry out Ubudehe in the 20 districts by
2014.
How Ubudehe works
a. Identifying and analysing the problems facing the community and
determine a priority problem to be addressed. Planning the activities
and resources needed for addressing the prioritized problem through a
collective action plan (Ubudehe).
b. Putting in place a system to manage the identified collective action.
c. Assisting people to classify the level and type of poverty that exists in their
community and reach a common understanding of this classification.
d. Drawing up the social map of the cell showing the names of household
heads, their social category (different categories are again decided by the
people themselves) and development infrastructure.
e. Helping communities define their development priorities by bringing
communities together to discuss and decide upon the most effective
and efficient ways to achieve poverty reduction and their development
priorities.
f. Helping communities establish ways of funding their development plans,
at a group and individual level.
To achieve these aims, participating villages across Rwanda come together over
a period of four to seven days (at times convenient to the community such as
after farming activities) to complete the Ubudehe process. This process takes
place at the beginning of the financial year.
Meetings are chaired by the President of the local Ubudehe Committee and the
village leader. They usually last for three hours each day. Ubudehe takes place at
both the umudugudu (village) and household level through similar processes.
The management committee, elected by the community, local technicians, local
authorities and other stakeholders approve the execution of the collective
action and engage to safeguard and respect the principles of collective action.
After this process, funds are made available to support the identified Ubudehe
collective action.
At the household level, one household is chosen to undergo the Ubudehe process
to assist it in overcoming poverty. The purpose of singling out one household is
to provide the community with a model that can be followed. The household’s
coping strategies are analysed before the following process is undertaken
with the assistance of trained Ubudehe facilitators. A compatibility test is then
carried out by people of integrity in the community (inyangamugayo) to make
sure that the retained strategy is appropriate and will be of good use to the
household. The household members finally accept and sign for the funds that
are accorded to them. They agree that the funds supporting the execution of
their strategy will have a rotating character.
A key part of Ubudehe is the residents of a community defining the levels of
poverty that exist in their village. This process takes place every two years and
the information is used to decide development priorities as well as who should
benefit from other social security programs and Home Grown Solutions such as
Umuganda and Girinka.
Traditionally, at the end of a successful harvest, the community would come
together to celebrate at an event known as Umuganura. Everyone would
bring something from his/her own harvest for the celebrations. This event
would often take place once the community’s sorghum beer production was
completed.
6.1.7 Umuganda – Community work
In simple terms, the word Umuganda means community work. In traditional
Rwandan culture, members of the community would call upon their family,
friends and neighbours to help them complete a difficult task.
Umuganda can be considered as a communal act of assistance and a sign of
solidarity.
In the period immediately after independence in 1962, Umuganda was only
organised under special circumstances and was considered as an individual
contribution to nation building. During this time, Umuganda was often referred
to as umubyizi, meaning ‘a day set aside by friends and family to help each
other’.
On February 2, 1974, Umuganda became an official government programme
and was organised on a more regular basis – usually once a week was in charge
of overseeing the program. Local leaders at the district and village level were
responsible for organising Umuganda and citizens had little say in this process.
Because penalties were imposed for non-participation, Umuganda was initially
considered as forced labour.
While Umuganda was not well received initially, the programme recorded
significant achievements in erosion control and infrastructure improvement
especially building primary schools, administrative offices of the sectors and
villages and health centres.
After the Genocide, Umuganda was reintroduced to Rwandan life in 1998 as part
of efforts to rebuild the country. The programme was implemented nationwide
though there was little institutional structure surrounding the programme.
It was not until November 17, 2007 with the passing of Organic Law Number
53/2007 Governing Community Works and later on August 24, 2009 with Prime
Ministerial Order Number 58/03 (determining the attributions, organisation,
and functioning of community work supervising committees and their relations
with other organs) that Umuganda was institutionalised in Rwanda.
Today, Umuganda takes place on the last Saturday of each month before noon.
For Umuganda activities to contribute to the overall national development,
supervising committees have been established from the village level to the
national level. These committees are responsible for organising what work is
undertaken as well as supervising, evaluating and reporting what is done.
Rwandans between 18 and 65 are obliged to participate in Umuganda. Those
over 65 are welcome to participate if they are willing and able. Expatriates
living in Rwanda are also encouraged to take part. Those who participate in
Umuganda cannot be compensated for their work – either in cash or in kind.
Today close to 80% of the Rwandans take part in monthly community work.
Successful projects have been developed for example the building of schools,
medical centres and hydro-electric plants as well as rehabilitating wetlands
and creating highly productive agricultural plots.
While the main purpose of Umuganda is to undertake community work,
it also serves as a forum for leaders at each level of government (from the
village up to the national level) to inform citizens about important news and
announcements. Community members are also able to discuss any problems
they or the community are facing and to propose solutions together. This time
is also used for evaluating what they have achieved and for planning activities
for the next Umuganda a month later.
6.1.8 Umwiherero – National leadership retreat
Umwiherero, translated as retreat, refers to a tradition in Rwandan culture
where leaders convene in an isolated place in order to reflect on issues affecting
their communities. Upon return from these retreats, the objective is to have
identified solutions. On a smaller scale, this term also refers to the action of
moving to a quieter place to discuss issues with a small group of people.
(The first National Leadership Retreat was held from 10th to 17th January
2004at Akagera Game Lodge in Kayonza District. It gathered Senior Officials
such as ministers, permanent secretaries, provincial governors, Mayor of City
of Kigali as well as representatives from the private sector)
Now, the Government of Rwanda is drawing on this tradition to reflect on, and
address the challenges the country faces on an annual basis.
Umwiherero is annuary organised by the Office of the Prime Minister in
parterniship with the Office of the President. The President chairs Umwiherero
during which presentations and discussions centre on a broad range of
development challenges, including economics, politics, justice, infrastructure,
health, education and others. Contemporary Umwiherero was intended for
senior public officials but has evolved to include leaders from the private sector
as well as civil society.
Since its inception, organisers of Umwiherero have adopted numerous initiatives
to improve the implementation of resolutions agreed upon at each retreat.
By 2011, these efforts resulted into noticeable improvements in planning,
coordination, and accountability leading to clear and more concise priorities.
In 2011, six priorities were identified, down from 174 in 2009, allowing for
more effective delivery and implementation of Umwiherero resolutions.
6.1.9 Community Policing
When Rwanda National Police (RNP) was established in 2000, it adopted
the community policing strategy to build ties and work closely with members
of the community to fight crime. Since then, the department for Community
Policing has reduced crime throughout the country. The department is run on
a philosophy that promotes proactive partnerships with the public to address
public safety issues such as social disorder and insecurity.
Traditionally, the police respond to crime after it occurs. On top of that, the
police cannot always be everywhere and, therefore, relies on routine patrols,
rapid response to calls for service, arrests and follow-up investigations.
Community Policing, therefore, was adopted to encourage citizens to participate
in crime-solving. It is focused on the prevention of crime and disorder, by
partnering with the public to increase police visibility in all communities so as
to solve, prevent and reduce crime.
Community Policing enables the police to engage citizens in reporting incidents
or to use volunteers to provide timely reports that help in anti-crime operations.
This strategy has improved police response to crime, because many reports are
now provided by community members. This shows that they trust the police.
The police now serve the citizens professionally and ensure that they have a say
in the security of their communities.
The culturally based policies have contributed a lot in helping getting some
socio-economic solutions that were not possible to get otherwise.
6.2.1 Contribution of Abunzi
As the abunzi system gained more recognition as a successful method to resolve
conflicts and deliver justice, the importance of providing more structure and
formality to their work increased.
During the fiscal year ending June 2017 for example, mediation committees
received 51,016 cases. They were composed of 45,503 civil cases representing
89.1% and 5,513 penal cases received before the amendment of the law
determining organization, jurisdiction, and competence and functioning of
mediation committees. A total of 49,138 cases equivalent to 96.3% were
handled at both sector and cell levels. 38,777 (76.0%) cases received by
mediation committees were handled at cell level, 10,361 (20.3%) cases were
mediated at sector level whereas only 3.6% were undergoing at the end of the
year. The number of cases received by mediation committees increased at the
rate of 30.9% over the past three years.
The Rwanda Governance Board (RGB) conducted an investigation into public
perceptions of some of the benefits of Abunzi in comparison to ordinary courts.Those surveyed highlighted the following positive attributes:
The reduction of time spent to settle cases (86.7%).
─ Reduction of economic costs of cases (84.2%);
─ The ability to mitigate conflicts between litigants (80.1%).
─ The participation of citizens in the mediation process (67.3%)
and freedom to choose a judge by the complainant and defendant(56.7%)
The best practices from mediation committees are as follows:
Pre-hearing counselling: Before cases are heard, mediators call on both
complainant and defendant to emphasize the importance of social cohesion
and conflict resolution through community mediation. In some instances, both
parties may opt to withdraw the case at this point and come instead to a mutual
agreement. In other cases, litigants are more inclined to accept, rather than
appeal, the mediation decision as a result of the counseling.
Reduced social distance between parties and mediators: Since mediators
are members of the same community from which disputants come, the latter
feel less intimidated and more comfortable expressing themselves during those
sessions, whether in public or in camera.
Integrity over legal literacy: Most of the participants insisted that the question
of integrity, which determine the selection of mediators, confer more “trust and
confidence” in the committees and fostered an environment in which justice
prevailed.
• Parties’ freedom to choose mediators:This was another factor highlighted
by participants who felt that the freedom to choose mediators helped
ensure equal treatment during mediation and reduced the likelihood
of corruption.
• Win-Win approach: During mediation, Abunzi avoid referring to either
party as “winner” or “loser” as these words could create resentment
and further contribute to the atmosphere of conflict. The goal of these
mediations is to find lasting solutions through reconciliation, hencethe avoidance of such words
6.2.2 Contribution of Gacaca courts
Gacaca courts officially finished their work on June 18, 2012 and by that time
a total of 1,958,634 genocide related cases were tried throughout the country.
As earlier mentioned Gacaca is credited with laying the foundation for peace,reconciliation and unity in Rwanda.
6.2.3 Impact of Girinka
Girinka has led to a number of significant changes in the lives of the poorest
Rwandans. The impact of the program can be divided into five categories
including: (1) agricultural production, (2) food security, (3) livestock ownership,
(4) health outcomes, (5) unity and reconciliation.
Agricultural production
Girinka has contributed to an increase in agricultural production in Rwanda,
especially milk products. Milk production has risen due to an increase in the
number of cows in the country and because beneficiaries have received cross
breeds with better productive capacity than local cattle species. Between 2000
and 2011, milk production increased seven fold allowing the Government of
Rwanda to start the One Cup of Milk per Child program in schools. Between
2009 and 2011, national milk production increased by 11.3%, rising to 372.6
million liters from 334.7 million liters. Over the same period, meat production
increased by 9.9%, according to the Government of Rwanda Annual Report
2010-2011. The construction of milk collection centres has also increased and
by February 2013, there were more than 61 centres operational nationwide
with 25 more due to be completed by the end of 2013.
Most of the beneficiaries produce enough milk to sell some at market, providing
additional income generation. The manure produced by the cows increases
crop productivity, allowing beneficiaries to plant crops offering sustenance and
employment as well as a stable income. Girinka has also allowed beneficiaries
to diversify and increase crop production, leading to greater food security.
Food Security
According to the Comprehensive Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis and
Nutrition Survey (CFSVA) conducted in March/April 2012, almost four in five
(79%) or about 1,717,000 households had acceptable food consumption and
could be considered food secure. Others either had poor food consumption
(82,000 households, representing 4% of all the households) or borderline food
consumption patterns (378,000 households, 17%), adding up to a total of 21%
of food insecure households in Rwanda. These figures show a 7% decrease
in food insecure households since 2006 at which time the figure was 28%according to the CFSVA report of 2006
Livestock ownership
The Third Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey (EICV III) of 2012
indicated that 4% of all Rwandan households received a cow under the OneCow per Poor family policy. The highest rate was seen in the Eastern Province
(7%). Animal production and the integration of livestock into smallholder
farming is a key contributor to food security. Animal products are a good source
of proteins and lipids and, in times of crisis, livestock functions as a shock
absorber, contributing to the resilience of poor households.
According to the CFSVA and Nutrition Survey 2012, 70% of all households in
Rwanda own some type of livestock. Results of the EICV III of 2012 showed
that in comparison to 2005/2006, higher proportions of households are now
able to afford cattle at 47% nationally (up from 34%). The survey also showed
that the percentage of livestock-owning households owning cattle increased to
47.3% in 2012, up from 34.4% in 2005/2006.
Health outcomes
While Girinka cannot be credited with single-handedly for improving the health
outcomes across Rwanda, the program has certainly played a part in reducing
the level of malnutrition across the population, among children under five
years. According to the Demographic Health Survey of 2010, the percentage of
stunted children fell from 51% in 2005, to 44% in 2010, and the percentage of
underweight children fell from 18% to 11%.
Unity and Reconciliation
Girinka has played a significant role in post genocide reconstruction in Rwanda.
During the colonial period, the cow was used to divide Rwandans along ethnic
lines and cattle became a symbol of elitism and a commodity reserved only for
a portion of the country’s people.
Girinka has changed what it means to own cattle in Rwanda. While the symbolism
of prosperity is still attached to the cow, by giving cattle to the poorest in society,
the program has helped to end the divisive perception surrounding owning
cattle. The ‘pass on’ component of Girinka, whereby a recipient gifts the first
born calf to a neighbour, has helped to rebuild social relationships which had
been destroyed during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. This is because
the giving of a cow to someone or “Gutanga Inka” translated as “sealing a bond
of friendship” remains a cultural practice owned, understood and valued byRwandans.
6.2.4 Contribution of Imihigo
Swere completed including roads and bridges, hospitals and health centres,
classrooms and toilet facilities, houses for vulnerable people, modern markets,
selling points, drying grounds, street lighting and housing development in
urban areas, trading centres and administrative offices. There was great
improvement in distribution of electricity and water in both urban and rural
areas. In addition, there was evidence in most districts of small scale factories
being started, especially those involved in agro-based products being initiating.
Greening and beautification: Reasonable effort was made to plant grass
and flowers at most public buildings such as district, sectors and cell offices,
schools, health and trading centres. In other places, especially at district level,
pavements were laid.
Rural settlement (imidugudu): There was a general improvement in
mobilizing citizens to build in areas set aside for communal villages. This was
accelerated by setting up basic infrastructure like roads, water supply and
power. The eradication of grass thatched houses and the construction of houses
for vulnerable people was also a contributing factor to this success.
6.2.5 Contribution of Itorero
The contribution of Itorero as a home-grown solution towards good governance,
self-reliance and dignity is observed through Itorero activities described above.
Ubutore culture, self reliance and dignity among Rwandans instiled and
promoted structures of Intore were elected from villages up to sector levels in
2009. Later on in 2012, Itorero ry’Igihugu was officially launched in primary
and secondary schools. From November 2007 up to the middle of September
of 2017, National Itorero Commission had a total of 2.502.000 trained Intore
nationwide. Those mentored are the ones who go down to mentor in villages,
schools, and at various Itorero for specific groups.
Impact of Itorero at village level to resolve social, economic and financial
challenges through“amasibo” groups.
Impact of induction week by welcoming new students into their respective
High Institutions of Learning in order to continue familiarizing those students
with Rwandan culture values as way to enhancing civic education; namely
patriotism, integrity, self-reliance and hardworking just to mention few.
Instilling the culture of unity, truth and hard work among Rwandans:
in 2009, Itorero ry’Igihugu was launched in all districts of the country. Each
district’s regiment presented their performance contracts at that colourful
ince its introduction, Imihigo has been credited with improving accountability
and quickening the pace of citizen centred development in Rwanda. The
practice of Imihigo has now been extended to the ministries, embassies and
public service staff.
Once the compilation of the report on Imihigo implementation has been
completed, the local government entity presents it to stakeholders including
citizens, civil society, donors and others. After reviewing the results,
stakeholders are often asked to jointly develop a way forward and this can be
done by utilising the Joint Action Development Forums (JADF)
Since the inception of Imihigo in 2006, the following results and best practices
were observed:
SACCOs (Savings and Credit Cooperatives) and payment of teachers’ salaries
and arrears: Good progress was made in mobilising citizens to join SACCOs
and reasonable funds were mobilised. Although most of the SACCOs obtained
provisional licenses from the National Bank of Rwanda to operate as savings
and credit cooperatives, they needed to mobilise more member subscriptions
in order to realise the minimum amount required to obtain full licenses. Most of
all SACCO at the sector level needed adequate offices. In addition great efforts
were made to ensure that teachers were paid their monthly salaries on time.
Nine Years Basic Education (9YBE): All districts evaluated made substantial
progress in classroom construction, made possible by the willingness of the
community to play a role in the districts’ development programmes, particularly
Imihigo. This was as a result of awareness raising campaigns and mobilisation
efforts to encourage citizens to own their development activities.
Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme (VUP): Programmes implemented
under VUP substantially improved the welfare of citizens and facilitated the
implementation of government policies such as SACCO, terracing and road
construction.
Community assemblies (Inteko z’Abaturage): The function of Community
Assemblies was reasonably understood, taking place once a month to resolve
various community problems. This was evidenced by the fact that very few
unresolved problems reached the district level.
Citizen participation and ownership of government programmes: Most
of the citizens contacted during the field visits were aware of, and actively
participated in government programs especially the health insurance scheme,
SACCOs, 12YBEs, Girinka and adult literacy. Citizen participation in the Imihigo
process was especially visible in rural areas.
Health statistics such as those of maternal and child mortality, accessibility
of maternal and child care, and accessibility to health insurance (Mutuelle de
Santé) revealed improved levels of health care for Rwandans.
Land use consolidation: Through programs such as Umuganda, TIG (Travail
d’Intérêt Général, meaning community service done by prisoners) and the one
village one product program, selected crops such as wheat, Irish potatoes,
coffee, tea, and beans were cultivated extensively.
Improvement of agricultural production: Significant efforts were made by
the districts in mobilizing and advising farmers on how to improve farming,
notably among which was land use consolidation (maize, rice, coffee, tea,
cassava, potatoes, banana and beans) which helps to guarantee national food
security.
Infrastructure development: A significant number of infrastructure projects
were completed including roads and bridges, hospitals and health centres,
classrooms and toilet facilities, houses for vulnerable people, modern markets,
selling points, drying grounds, street lighting and housing development in
urban areas, trading centres and administrative offices. There was great
improvement in distribution of electricity and water in both urban and rural
areas. In addition, there was evidence in most districts of small scale factories
being started, especially those involved in agro-based products being initiating.
Greening and beautification: Reasonable effort was made to plant grass
and flowers at most public buildings such as district, sectors and cell offices,
schools, health and trading centres. In other places, especially at district level,
pavements were laid.
Rural settlement (imidugudu): There was a general improvement in
mobilizing citizens to build in areas set aside for communal villages. This was
accelerated by setting up basic infrastructure like roads, water supply and
power. The eradication of grass thatched houses and the construction of houses
for vulnerable people was also a contributing factor to this success.
6.2.5 Contribution of Itorero
The contribution of Itorero as a home-grown solution towards good governance,
self-reliance and dignity is observed through Itorero activities described above.
Ubutore culture, self reliance and dignity among Rwandans instiled and
promoted structures of Intore were elected from villages up to sector levels in
2009. Later on in 2012, Itorero ry’Igihugu was officially launched in primary
and secondary schools. From November 2007 up to the middle of September
of 2017, National Itorero Commission had a total of 2.502.000 trained Intore
nationwide. Those mentored are the ones who go down to mentor in villages,
schools, and at various Itorero for specific groups.
Impact of Itorero at village level to resolve social, economic and financial
challenges through“amasibo” groups.
Impact of induction week by welcoming new students into their respective
High Institutions of Learning in order to continue familiarizing those students
with Rwandan culture values as way to enhancing civic education; namely
patriotism, integrity, self-reliance and hardworking just to mention few.
Instilling the culture of unity, truth and hard work among Rwandans:
in 2009, Itorero ry’Igihugu was launched in all districts of the country. Each
district’s regiment presented their performance contracts at that colourful
ceremony marked by cultural festivals. Each district’s Intore regiment publically
announced its identification name. At the national level, all the 30 district Intore
regiments comprised one national Itorero, but each district regiment has its
identification name. Each district regiment can have an affiliate sub-division
which can, in turn, also have a different identification name. There is also
Itorero for Rwandans in Diaspora that has the authority to develop its affiliated
sub-division.
In order to enable each Intore to benefit and experience change of mindset,
each group chooses its identification name and sets objectives it must achieve.
Those projected objectives must be achieved during or after training, and this is
confirmed by the performance contracts that necessarily must be accomplished.
With this obligation in mind, everyone also sets personal objective that in turn
contributes to the success of the corporate objectives.
Instill among youth, fraternity, patriotism and participation in National
programmes through National Service/Urugerero program: Plans to
implement Urugerero (National Service) started towards the end of 2012 and
the actual implementation started in 2013. Despite this short time, however,
Urugerero program has started to yield impressive results. Students who
completed Secondary School since 2012 went through Itorero mentorship.
Upon the completion of the prescribed course, participants were given the
certificates, but later on they had to undergo practical exercise of Urugerero
non residential and Residential National service since 2017 and organized
through various activities designed to promote social cohesion and community
wellness in particular and boost national development in general.
Intore contributed to activities related to the Volunteer Services in National
Development Programmes. In the Rwandan culture, “volunteerism” means
rendering a sacrificial and selfless service out of love either to a national
cause or to a needy neighbour. According to the policy of Itorero ry’ Igihugu,
volunteerism refers to any unpaid communal work, voluntarily undertaken in
the service of the nation.
Volunteerism is reflected in various community works such as: Umuganda,
Ubudehe and contributions to a common cause. Other voluntary activities
include those of community mediators, various councils, community health
workers, Community Policing Committees/CPCs, Red Cross volunteers, etc.
6.2.6 The contribution of Ubudehe
Ubudehe has been recognised internationally as a highly successful
development program. In 2008, Ubudehe was awarded the United Nations
“Better Management: Better Public Service” Award.
One of the most significant impacts of Ubudehe is the way in which it has
transformed citizens’ engagement with their own development. Much of the
twentieth century in Rwanda was characterised by centralised planning and
delivery of services with little or no involvement from local communities.
Ubudehe has changed this and, coupled with decentralisation efforts, has
changed the way Rwandans participate in decision making processes that affect
their lives. Ubudehe has achieved almost nationwide coverage and communities
across Rwanda are now actively involved in developing their own social maps,
visual representations and collection of data to the extent of poverty in their
village.
This information is used to determine national development objectives against
which the national government and its ministries are held accountable.
The way through which Ubudehe has brought communities together for collective
action based on their own priorities is also considered a major achievement
of the programme. The provision of a bank account to each community has
enabled thousands of communities to lead actions such as purchasing livestock,
undertaking agriculture activities, building clean water facilities, classrooms,
terraces, health centres as well as silos for storing produce. In 2006-2007,
9,000 communities undertook different projects through Ubudehe and in 2007-
2008 that number rose to 15,000. 2010 saw over 55,000 collective actions by
communities with the assistance of 30,000 Ubudehe facilitators.
At least 1.4 million people, around 20% of the population, have been direct
beneficiaries of Ubudehe. Between 2005 and 2008, around 50,000 people were
trained on Ubudehe concepts and procedures. This has resulted in a greater
level of skills available to the community at the local level helping Ubudehe to
be more effective.
6.2.8 Contribution of Umuganda
Umuganda is credited with contributing to Rwanda’s development, particularly
in the areas of infrastructure development and environmental protection.
Common infrastructure projects include roads (especially those connecting
sectors), bridges, heath centres, classroom construction (to support the nine
and twelve12) Years of Basic Education programs), housing construction for
poor and vulnerable Rwandans (often to replace grass-thatched housing) and
the construction of local government offices and savings and credit cooperative
buildings.
Environmental protection projects undertaken include tree planting and
terracing to fight erosion, wetland rehabilitation, renewable energy construction
and crop planting.
From 2007 to 2010/11, the activities valuated at 26,397,939,119 Rwf consisted
mainly of the construction of houses for vulnerable people, roads, classrooms
for the Nine Year Basic Education Programme (9YBE), health centres, public
offices, tree planting, terracing and other infrastructures to protect against
erosion.
To measure the impact of Umuganda and encourage greater participation, the
Government of Rwanda introduced the National Umuganda Competition in
2009. The aim of the competition is to create awareness of the best projects
carried out, award communities that have completed good initiatives and to
encourage communities to plan properly and maintain what they have achieved.
The competition includes all levels of Rwandan society from the village up to
the national level. The best activity in each district is awarded with a certificate
and funding for future projects, and the best three projects in each province
are awarded prizes. The best three projects from across Rwanda are awarded
a cash prize of between US $1,500 (1,200,000 RWF) and $2,300 (1,840,000 RWF).
Umuganda is also credited with assisting in reconciliation and peace building
in Rwanda. This is because neighbours are brought together to build their
community and can discuss problems and solve them collectively.
6.2.9 Impact of Umwiherero
For a few days every year, leaders from all arms of Government come under one
roof to collectively look at the general trajectory the country is taking and seek
remedies to outstanding problems. Initially, Umwiherero had been designed
exclusively for senior public officials but it has evolved to include leaders from
the private sector as well as civil society. Provided under the constitution,
Umwiherero is chaired by the Head of State and during this time, presentations
and discussions centre on a broad range of development challenges including
but not limited to the economy, governance, justice, infrastructure, health and
education.
Since its inception, organizers of Umwiherero have adopted numerous innovative
initiatives to expedite the implementation of resolutions agreed upon at each
retreat. Since then, the results are quantifiable. These efforts have resulted in
noticeable improvements in planning, coordination, and accountability leading
to clearer and more concise priorities.
As discussions go deep in exposing matters affecting the wellbeing of the people
of Rwanda, poor performers are reprimanded and those who delivered on theirmandate are recognized
Umwiherero provides a platform for candid talk among senior officials. For
example, an official raises a hand to mention his/her superior who is obstructing
a shared development agenda. The said superior is then given a chance to
explain to the meeting how he/she intends to resolve this deadlock. The retreat
sets a scene for every leader to be held accountable. Ultimately, this provides an
opportunity for leaders to forge a better future for Rwanda. The organization,
implementation and outcomes of Umwiherero have vastly improved and
significant achievements recorded.
The focus has been to make number of key priorities that makes it easier for
meaningful discussions and effective implementation. The retreats are also
credited with significantly improving coordination and cooperation between
government ministries and agencies. This time round, priorities might not be
just small in number, but much more challenging and tougher.
6.2.10 Contribution of Community Policing
The Rwanda Governance Scorecard produced by the Rwanda Governance Board
in 2016, presented results from a nationwide survey, which indicated that 92
per cent of the citizens trust the Police. This is an indicator of professional
services, discipline and partnership. It is when the community and the police
work together for their common good that citizens will trust the police.
Once the citizens trust the officers, they will provide them with information to
help prevent or solve crimes and to arrest criminals.
This has enabled the police to serve communities better and to fulfill its missionof making the people living in Rwanda feel safe and secure.
6.3.1 Challenges of Abunzi
Some of the challenges encountered during the implementation of Abunzi are:
Inadequate legal knowledge: While most mediators acknowledged that they
received training session on laws, they expressed a desire to receive additional
training on a more regular basis to enhance their knowledge of relevant laws.
Insufficient mediation skills: Mediators also expressed a desire to receive
additional training in professional mediation techniques in order to improve
the quality and effectiveness of their work.
Lack of permanent offices: In some areas, mediation committees do not always
have workspace reserved for them and must share space with the staff from
cells and/or sectors offices; this sharing can sometimes result in the loss or
mix-up of case files.
Incentives: A number of mediators complained that the incentive promised to
them and their families in the form of “mutuelle de santé” (health insurance)
was not always forthcoming.
Transportation for field visits: Mediators complained about not always being
able to afford transportation to perform site visits when reviewing cases. While
each chairperson at the appeal level received a bicycle, it has been recognised
that field visits for all mediators have been very difficult in some cases. This can
result in delays in the mediation process.
Communication facilities: To perform their duties, mediators must communicate
among themselves or with other institutions, but they are not given a
communication allowance. This proves problematic at times and can lead to
financial stress for some when they are obliged to use their own money to
contact for instance litigants and institutions.
6.3.2 Challenges of Gacaca courts
Below are challenges faced during implementation of Gacaca.
At the beginning of the data collection phase at the national level, 46,000
Inyangamugayo representing 27.1% of the total number of judges, were
accused of genocide.
This led to their dismissal from Gacaca courts. Leaders, especially in the local
government, were accused of participating in genocide constituting a serious
obstacle to the smooth running of Gacaca. In some cases, there was violence
against genocide survivors, witnesses and Inyangamugayo.
Serious trauma among survivors and witnesses manifested during Gacaca
proceedings. In some cases, there was a problem of suspects fleeing their
communities and claiming that they were threatened because of Gacaca. In
some cases there was corruption and favouritism in decision making.
6.3.3 Challenges of Girinka
The following are the major challenges faced by the Girinka programme:
In some cases, the distribution of cows has not been transparent and people with
the financial capacity to buy cows themselves were among the beneficiaries.This
issue was raised at the National Dialogue Council. (Umushyikirano) in 2009
and eventually resolved through the cow recovery programme. This program
resulted in 20,123 cows given to unqualified beneficiaries (out of a total of20,532 wrongly given) redistributed to poor families.
A lack of feed factories in the country has hindered efforts to properly feed some
of the cattle affecting their health and productivity. The Ministry of Agriculture
worked with investors who have shown interest in building feed factories in
Nyagatare, Kayonza and Kicukiro. In some instances, the cost of management
inputs has been high and, in some districts, there has been a delay in utilisation
of earmarked fund.
Decentralisation of the programme has helped address this. Provision of
additional services (especially veterinary services and artificial insemination)
has been limited in some cases due a shortage of skilled staff with relevant
training. This has affected the cows’ milk production and the ‘pass on’ system.
With regards to bank loans, some farmers received cows that were overpriced.
As a resolution, farmers who were overcharged are required to pay the bank
the actual cost of the cow only through a new contract with the difference paid
by those who were responsible for over costing.
Poor management by inexperienced farmers has increased the mortality for
some cows. A shortage of land requires an intensification program in cattle
management practices which can sometimes have adverse impacts on the
cows such as increase in disease prevalence. To address this, beneficiaries now
receive training about modern farming practices prior to receiving their cow.
6.3.4 Challenges of Imihigo
While Imihigo have provided the Government of Rwanda and citizens with a way
to hold leaders to account, some challenges listed below have been identified
from the 2010-2011 evaluation report:
There is a planning gap especially on setting and maintaining logic and
consistency: objectives, baseline, output/targets and indicators.
Setting unrealistic and over-ambitious targets by districts was common. Some
targets were not easily achievable in 12 months. For example, construction of
a 30 km road when no feasibility study had been conducted or reducing crime
by 100%.
In some districts low targets were established that would require little effort
to implement. The practice of consistent tracking of implementation progress,
reporting and filing is generally still weak. Some targets were not achieved
because of district partners who did not fulfil their commitments in disbursing
funds - especially the central government institutions and development
partners. There is a weakness of not setting targets based on uniqueness of
rural and urban settings.
Setting targets that are beyond districts’ full control was observed: For
example, construction of stadiums and development of master plans whose
implementation is fully managed by the central government. There was
general lack of communication and reporting of challenges faced that hindered
implementation of the committed targets.
6.3.5 Challenges of Itorero
During its implementation, Itorero faced a series of challenges including:
a. Insufficient budget compared to workload.
b. Small number of personnel;
c. Staff compensation low compared to workload;
d. National service program not reflected in Districts plan;
e. Training sites at districts and provincial level still missing;
f. Some partners not owning Itorero activities (not yet included activities
relating to the promotion of Ubutore culture in their planning).
g. Low understanding of the role of Itorero especially at the village level.
6.3.6 Challenges of Ubudehe
The major challenges of Ubudehe can be divided into categorisation and project
implementation:
Categorisation
In some cases, village members have preferred to be classified into lower
poverty levels as a way to receive support from social security programs such
as health insurance and Girinka. To overcome this, household poverty level
categorisation takes place publically with all heads of households and must be
validated by the village itself.
If community members dispute the decision made by their village, they are
entitled to lodge a complaint and appeal in the first instance to the sector level.
The Ubudehe Committee at the sector level conducts a visit to the household
and either upholds or issues a new decision. If community members remain
unhappy with the decision, they can appeal in the second instance to the district
level. The final level of appeal is to the Office of the Ombudsman at the central
government level.
Project implementation
The major challenges of project implementation are with the community
choosing a project and then completing the project.
Communities sometimes have difficulty to define the problems affecting their
development and struggle to know how best to prioritise the projects and
select the most crucial project to execute. Challenges also sometimes arise
when communities are required to choose one household to act as a model for
the village. This can be a point of contention because that household receives
significant resources to carrying out its Ubudehe development plan.
To overcome these challenges, the programme has increased training provided
to communities on how to select and prioritise projects. In deciding which
household will be the model for the village, the community is required to vote
which helps members support the decision.
At the household level it has been observed that some beneficiaries have
struggled to manage the funds or resources they received. In some cases,
households spent the money on things other than their project or sold the
livestock they received. To overcome this challenge, the Ubudehe Committee
at the village level has been tasked to provide regular follow up and support.
6.3.7 Challenges of Umuganda
The challenges faced by Umuganda fall into two broad categories: planning and
participation. In some areas of the country, poor planning has led to unrealistic
targets and projects that would be difficult to achieve without additional
financing.
To address this challenge, the team responsible for Umuganda at the Ministry
of Local Government has run trainings for the committees that oversee
Umuganda at the local level. These trainings include lessons on monitoring
and evaluation, how to report achievements, the laws, orders and guidelines
governing Umuganda as well as responsibilities of the committee.
In urban areas, participation in Umuganda has been lower than in rural areas.
So in order to overcome the issues of low participation rates in some areas
of the country, especially in urban areas, an awareness raising campaign is
conducted through documentaries, TV and radio shows to inform Rwandans
about the role Umuganda plays in society and its importance.
A mobilisation strategy is also currently being devised which includes ideas
about how to streamline the laws and policies governing Umuganda so that
they are more easily understood. This is also to ensure that they are in line with
the National Community and Local Development Strategy. The City of Kigali is
also embarking on a process to find the best ways to encourage those living in
urban areas to take part in Umuganda.
The Ministry of Local Government has begun a partnership with South Korea to
learn from the community work practice there known as Saemual Undong. This
is part of attempts to learn from the best practices all over the world as well as
share Rwanda’s experience with other countries.
6.3.8 Challenges of Umwiherero
The first four years of Umwiherero saw questionable results. The organisation
of the retreat was often rushed, objectives were poorly defined, and few tangible
results could be measured.
This led the establishment of the Strategy and Policy Unit in the Office of the
President and the Coordination Unit in the Office of the Prime Minister. At the
same time, the Ministry of Cabinet Affairs was set up to improve the functioning
of the Cabinet. These two newly formed units were tasked with working
together to implement Umwiherero. While the first retreat organised by the two
new teams suffered from similar problems to previous retreats, improvement
was noticeable.
Following Umwiherero in 2009, Minister of Cabinet Affairs served as head of
the newly formed steering committee tasked with overseeing the retreat. The
steering committee was comprised of 14 team members. Alongside the steering
committee, working groups were set up to define the priorities to be included
on the retreat agenda. This process was overseen by the Strategy and Policy
Unit who developed a concept paper with eleven priority areas to be approved
by the Prime Minister and the President.
Since that time the organisation, implementation and outcomes of Umwiherero
have vastly improved and significant achievements have been recorded.
The focus on a small number of key priorities has made it easier for meaningful
discussions to be had and for effective implementation to take place. For
example, the number of national priorities agreed upon by participants fell from
174 in 2009 to 11 in 2010 and to six in 2011. The retreats are also credited with
significantly improving coordination and cooperation between government
ministries and agencies.
6.3.9 Challenges of Community policing
While the Community policing is helping the police to address security related
problems, every district faces its unique challenges, but in general common
challenges are:
a. Increase of drug abuse and gender based violence;
b. The issue of human trafficking in Rwanda;
c. The persistence of home assaults and prostitution becoming a threat tosecurity everywhere.
Unit summary
This unit focuses basically to home grown solutions initiatives. It intends to
contribute to instill various innovations taken by the country in order to improve
and speed economic progress. These are all related to historical background
and Rwanda society genuine and impactfull issues. Among them we can stateubudehe, umuganda, girinka munyarwanda, kwigira, community policing etc…