General
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UNIT 3:GENOCIDE IDEOLOGY AND GENOCIDE DENIAL IN RWANDA AND ABROAD
3.1.1 Genocide ideology
Normally, an ideology is an organized collection of ideas. It was used in the
late 18th century to define a “science of ideas”. For genocide ideology, according
to Article 2 of the Rwanda law N°18/2008 of July 23, 2008, relating to the
punishment of the crime of genocide ideology, it is an aggregate of thoughts
characterized by conduct, speeches, documents and other acts aiming at
exterminating or inciting others to exterminate people basing on ethnic group,
origin, nationality, region, color, physical appearance, sex, language, religion or
political opinion, committed in normal periods or during war.
In article 3 of the law above, it is characterized of any behavior manifested by
facts aimed at dehumanizing a person or a group of persons with the same
characteristics like threatening, intimidating, degrading through defamatory
speeches, documents or actions which aim at propounding wickedness or
inciting hatred.It can also be committed through:
The crime of genocide ideology is punishable by the law. Under article 135 of
the penal code, “any person who commits the crime of genocide ideology and
other related offences shall be liable to a term of imprisonment of more than
five to nine years and a fine of one hundred thousand (100,000) to one million
(1,000, 000) Rwandan francs.
3.1.2. Genocide denial
Encyclopedia universalis defines Genocide denial as an assertion contesting
the existence of historic facts mainly related to mass killings genocide denial
is also understood as “an attempt to deny or minimize statements of the scale
and severity of an incident of genocide”. It is a speech aiming at contesting or
denying the reality on Genocide against Jews perpetrated by the Nazis and
their accomplices during World War II. This denial appears through hiding
the reality, scale of killing methods used as well as the will of Nazis to commit
the genocide. In fact, it is a speech whose target is to deny genocide as well as
its execution conditions. In other words, it is an attempt to deny or minimize
statements of the scale and severity of an incidence of genocide.
From then on, such a speech is applied on genocides namely Genocide against
the Tutsi in Rwanda, the Serbian Genocide, the Holaucost and the Bosnian
Genocide, Nama and Herero Genocide, etc.
Being a stage that always follows a genocide, genocide denial is among the
surest indicator of further genocidal massacres. It is characterized by:
─ The digging up of the mass graves;
─ Burning of the victim bodies;
─ Trying to cover up the evidence and intimidate the witnesses;
─ Denying the commission of any crimes;
─ Often blaming what happened on the victims.
The crime of genocide ideology is punishable by the law. Under the Article 116
of the penal code “Any person who publicly shows, by his/her words, writings,
images, or by any other means, that he/she negates the genocide against
the Tutsi, rudely minimizes it or attempts to justify or approve its grounds,
or any person who hides or destroys its evidence shall be liable to a term of
imprisonment of more than five (5) years to nine (9) years. If the crimes under
Paragraph One of this Article are committed by an association or a politicalorganization, its dissolution shall be pronounced
1. Explore above picture and discuss 3 forms of genocide denial
and ideology in Rwanda and abroad?
2. Using internet, textbooks in library or other documentation,
explain twelve ways to deny 1994 genocide against Tutsi?
https://www.genocidewatch.com/twelve-ways-to-deny-genocide or https://www.newtimes.co.rw/opinions/genocide-denial-remaining-weapon-perpetrators
3.2.1 Forms of genocide denial in Rwandan society and abroad
The 1994 genocide against Tutsi was committed according to home-made
Rwandan plans already underway by early 1992 as it has been suggested by
numerous historical and legal record and studies like the International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda.
Since 1994, the genocide denial has taken three main forms: Literal genocide
denial, interpretative and implicatory genocide denial. In the case of the 1994
genocide against Tutsi, all these three forms of genocide denial are more or less
linked one to another.
The literal genocide denial
It involves negating the facts of genocide, silencing talk of genocidal plans and
killings. The literal denial becomes harder to sustain once evidence emerges
that genocide plans were made and executed right across Rwanda.
The interpretative genocide denial
It reframes or relabels the events of the genocide, viewing them as part and
parcel of civil war, rather than genocide. Interpretative genocide denial
involves recategorizing evidence that is established, and goes beyond
negating, ignoring or silencing talk of genocide. Higher moral goals are often
invoked in cases of interpretative denial, such as: ‘…revolutionary struggle,
ethnic purity, Western civilization’, or in the case of Rwanda, legitimate selfdefence and a striving for ethnic-based self-determination.
The implicatory genocide denial
It becomes prevalent and involves explicit counter-accusations that genocide
was planned by those previously viewed as saving the victims. For instance,
the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) government is thus accused of planning
genocide, not only in Rwanda but also in Eastern Congo, now DRC (Democratic
Republic of Congo).
A double genocide thesis is part of both the interpretative and implicatory
forms of genocide denial. All the three forms of denial tend to reinforce two
parallel and mutually incompatible accounts of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi,
of the past, and tend to further polarise political and public opinion, reinforcingdivisions over the past, present and future direction of the country.
3.2.1 Forms of genocide ideology
Forms of genocide ideology may bear two common forms as long as they have
consequent aspects. These may be: official and family-based forms.
Official form of genocide ideology
Official ideology is a system of ideas through which the state leaders learn to
structure their environment and explain reality. It helps the leadership reflect
upon various courses of action and rationalize the choices they have made.
Official form of genocide ideology, in this perspective and the case of Rwanda,
refers to a set of genocidal ideas by which the 1st and 2nd Republics leaders
referred to whenever they wanted to respond to home social and political
problems by shouldering the root causes to Tutsi. It helped the two former
Republics to reflect upon the attack of Inyenzi in 1963 and 1967, 1973 revolts
and attack of RPF in 1990 (Liberation war) and justify the reaction of the
leaders of that time against Tutsi (Killing of Tutsi who remained in Rwanda
and imprisonment of so-called RPF accomplices in 1990). This form of official
genocide ideology was used then from 1990 up 1994 when it finally ended in
justifying the Genocide against Tutsi in 1994 as defense legitimacy to avenge
J. Habyarimana’s death in airplane crash on national and international levels.
After genocide, former Republics leadership (in exile-FDLR) continuously
refashioned and reinterpreted ideological formation according to the changing
international and domestic environment especially by denying genocide and
accusing the acting Government of Rwanda of having perpetrated Genocide
against Hutu.
Family-based form of genocide ideology
The ideology of the family consists of all those values and norms that instruct
us on how ‘ideal’ family life should be lived. It provides a justification for the
type of institution the family is seen to be in our culture. Most of the time this
ideology is ‘hidden’ and it lies in our unconscious, but not often brought to
consciousness and seriously questioned.
The family-based form of genocide ideology, in the case of Rwanda, may refer
to all values and norms instructed to children by their parents (Hutu) on how
children have to live with their neighbors especially with those their parents
qualify as “them” meaning those who are not of their clan or ethnic group
(Tutsi) following the genocide-based indoctrination of the past history. In this
sense, it affects most the society when comes the mourning times where this
form of ideology is kept as status quo against hatred side (Tutsi) because theother side (Hutu) feels uncomfortable
So kept, it develops the ideals of genocide ideology and is liable to make family
members (parents and children) maintain genocide denial thoughts andactions.
3.3.1 Channels of genocide ideology and denial
a. Channels of genocide ideology
Education
In Rwanda, education played the major role in development of and instilling
genocide ideology especially through the teaching of History of Rwanda
in primary and secondary schools after independence. Just before the
independence, it was based on the idea of Rwandan settlement where Hutu
were made the first settlers of the country, oppressed and poor while Tutsiwere said to be invaders, feudal and rich.
When Rwanda became independent, this history was included in the
teaching curricula to reinforce Hutu identity as legitimate where it focused
on describing different components of the population, demographic rates,
origins and settlement periods. Tutsi, as foreigners or invaders, pastoralists
settled in Rwanda after Hutu and Twa. Hutu being the majority and organized
in chiefdoms. In fact, this teaching program also aimed at identifying African
social groups to which every Rwandan population component was related; Twa
as indigineous people, Hutu as part of Bantous of central, Eastern, Southern
and Western Africa while Tutsi were said to be related to Hima of Buganda and
Tanzania and to Massai of Kenya hence their origin being North-eastern Africa
(Somalia and Ethiopia). Teaching like this one in Primary 6 and in all levels
of secondary had the mission of accelerating the process of rationalizing the
marginalization of Tutsi.
Another point resided in the teaching of Civic education where students’
knowledge was initiated around political institutions by presenting eminent
political leaders, ups and downs of the 1959 revolution and conditions of
accessing to independence. Furthermore, they were stigmatizing the opponents
and imposing history reconstructions through official speeches.
Divisions and violence between Hutu and Tutsi students are the results of a deep
indoctrination of representations drawn through the channel of education.
Press (media)
It should be noted that apart from the role of education described above, between 1990-1994, the press/media achieved a remarkable task in broadcasting genocide ideological information on the causes and effects of the war. It was
centered around the “dual hutu-tutsi”, fixing the origins of hutu-tutsi dual in
past history and associating it with positive behavior for one camp (side) and
negative one for the other.
Additional to general difficult conditions, the war crystallized then passions
and pushed on to seek a scapegoat who was eventually a Tutsi.
Political speech
As a privileged channel for mobilizing identity tendencies by political authorities,
a political speech bears different contents such as listing measures to take,
formulation of projects to be executed, interpretation of events, etc. Mainly, it
plays a major role during hard times (social and political crises). It was mostly
used in the First Republic by Gregoire Kayibanda to recall referential values
of Hutu during the celebration of independence and identify the responsiblefor the failure. He expressed despise and hatred vis a vis Tutsi. He also used
to remind the nativity and majority of Hutu, hence Tutsi would pay for their
oppressive actions in the past against Hutu.
By 1990, following the attack of RPF, Juvenal Habyarimana’s speeches constantly
referred to historic settlement of Rwanda and mobilized the maximum support
of Hutu to chase out Tutsi by all means. In addition, one may remember the
deadly speech of Leon Mugesera (Member of MRND party) at Kabaya- Gisenyi
in 1990s when he called Tutsi “Abyssinians” who might go back home by
Nyabarongo river.
Political, Social and economic development movements
These are movements or actions regrouping a given number of individuals
who commit to run determined activities for individual or common interest.
In politics, they are formed and organized by the government to implement
formulated ideologies or policies. Their members are regularly trained to the
cause and are requested to hold meetings periodically to evaluate their actions
and debate on the tasks ahead. In Rwanda, such movements were formed
and given extra-mission tasks of instilling genocide ideology throughout the
country during the First and Second Republics. They include: Cooperatives,
Militias, Youth Movements and state-organized community works of every
Tuesday. These were followed by singing songs (eg National Anthem) glorifying
the achievements of the acting government and the win over Tutsi domination
and gain of independence despite Tutsi indifference.
Cooperatives during the 1st and 2nd Republics. Officially known as the Government
policy of bringing together efforts for sustainable development in different
sectors of development, they were also channelling through which the
genocide ideology had to be taught. This is because, in their meetings, not only
development matters were concerned but also history of Rwanda was taught
by the identifying Tutsi as enemies of the development regained grounds for
debate.
Political party militias. These were paramilitary organizations of people formed
and trained for the civil defense of the country especially by 1990. Groups like
Interahamwe (MRND), Impuzamugambi (CDR), Inkuba (MDR), etc. were used
to echo hatred, suspicion, division against Tutsi as the Liberation War was on
the move. The teachings recalled so many times differences between Hutu andTutsi, prejudices or other kinds of stereotypes of each group
Faith-based organizations
These organizations which include Christian churches over nosed in the
politics (eg. Mgr Vincent Nsengiyumva-Archbishop of Kigali in MRND political
area) other examples in adventists, Islam and took part in disseminating
hatred among their followers during their missionary activities. This is well
understood because many of them had acquired knowledge offered by the
same system of education in primary and seminaries. They preached a hatredcoated evangel where they consented on the fact of killing an enemy potentially
a Tutsi wherever he/she would be found as a legitimate action because before
being Christians, they were humans to defend themselves. Most of these biblical
teachings climaxed since 1990.
International political system
This channel plays this role through the bilateral cooperation system. It is the
case of influence of a given western power over her ally in Africa or elsewhere.
The genocide ideology is taught to state officials during the state visits with
the aim of assuring its political presence in a country as long as one group is
not digested by the western power collaborating with the acting Government.
It is the case of France in Rwanda that supported, trained Militias and even
perpetrated genocide in Rwanda. This means, the genocide ideology was indeed
part of terms agreed on for long time with Juvenal Habyarimana regime.
The ideology-based family
It will be recalled that the first family lesson makes the most remarkable
impact in child’s life. In addition, the acquisition of culture begins at home.
Most families in Rwanda have lived different experiences in the past history
of Rwanda under two former Republics. They are witness of political speeches
full of hatred, listened to them, even put into actions as state policies dictated
the move. Having been so long indoctrinated, some parents retold their past
memories reflecting the genocide ideology to their children. As being not
mature enough to assess the given information, children embrace the ideology.
Social media (Internet, WhatsApp,…)
As a social media and ground for a diversity of information, it has become a
channel where anyone believing in ethnic differentiation, hatred against Tutsi
can gather works written against or for genocide ideology from any corner ofthe world.
b. Channels of genocide denial
Press (media)
Genocide denial is seen through the international press. For example, Pierre
Péan, a French journalist, who asserts the double genocide in Rwanda in his
publications and Press Conference where he shows that Tutsi are the root cause
of their killings. This was explained in his book published in 2005, « Noires
fureurs, blancs menteurs. Rwanda, 1990-1994 ». Another Author, Charles
Onana, from Cameroon, who wrote in his book, «Les secrets du genocide
rwandais » that Genocide was caused by the crash of Juvenal Habyarimana
airplane by adding that Tutsi prepared their killings. He is even the one to accuse
Rwandan authorities of standing behind Congo conflicts and blames Rwandan
forces for Hutu refugees killings in Congo and six million of Congolese.
Works of Robin Philpot, Canadian journalist, in his book “Ca ne s’est pas
passé comme ça à Kigali”, saying that what is being reported on Genocide
against Tutsi in Rwanda is not true. Another one who denies Genocide in her
publications is Jane Corbin of BBC in her documentary film “Rwanda’s untold
story” who collaborated with genocide deniers to produce a misleading tool for
permanent enemies of Rwanda and false accusations to the high authorities of
Rwanda for having caused Genocide.
Authors and Researchers
Authors and Researchers like Filip Reyntjens, A Belgian Professor, Permanent
Advisor of Juvenal Habyarimana, who even participated in the ethnic-based
1978 Constitution drawing up under Juvenal Habyarimana regime, always
writes by asserting that RPF was behind the plan of J. Habyarimana’s airplane
crash. Another genocide denier is Bernard Lugan, a French, who denies the role
of France in the Genocide against Tutsi and asserts that in Rwanda happened a
double genocide.
Manipulation of the number of victims (Minimization)
There are so many other pseudo-researchers who deny genocide by
manipulating the number of victims of genocide and including a great number
of killed Hutu. These include: Allan Stam and Christian Davenport, Professors
in one USA universities. When denying genocide, they end up with giving
200,000 as a number of Tutsi killed during the genocide instead of over one
million victims. This way of minimizing the number of victims is always used
by the deniers of the Holocaust where they limited their number at 200,000only instead of 6,000,000
Law Specialists (Lawyers)
Genocide denial is also seen through reports of Law specialists who assisted
the genocide perpetrators in Arusha International Criminal Court for Rwanda.
For example, Carl Peter Erlinder, Lawyer at Arusha, wrote so many reports
explaining that there was no genocide planning, and even genocide did not
happen in Rwanda.
International tribunals and courts
In denying genocide against Tutsi, it accuses Rwandan authorities for having
masterminded genocide hence making not guilty genocidaires themselves.
For instance, the arrest warrants formulated by French justice and that of
Spain against some of High authorities of Rwanda. This was used as a political
instrument for hiding their role in genocide in Rwanda. Here also comes
International Criminal Court based in Arusha which is reluctant to pronounce
its position by freeing or reducing penalties of genocidaires in Arusha (Cases of
Bagosora, Zigiranyirazo, Mugenzi, Ndindiriyimana, etc.).
United Nations Organization reporting
For political reasons and refuting their role, UN and member States of UN
Security Council produce reports aiming at showing that in Rwanda happened
double genocide.
These include: “Mapping report” asserting the role of Rwanda in the Congo
genocide; Report of Steve Hege, former coordinator and armed groups expert of
the United Nations, on Democratic Republic of Congo’s armed groups, speaking
on behalf of Forces Démocratique de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) by denying
its atrocities in 1994 in Rwanda and other crimes committed in Congo, Reports
of Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International publishing fabricated lies on
Rwanda. This brings about questions as these organizations have a hidden
agenda instead of promoting human rights.
Some French political figureheads
To hide the role of their government in the genocide in Rwanda, French
authorities namely Francois Mitterrand (Defunct), Alain Juppé, Hubert Vedrine,
Bernard Debra and Dominique de Villepin glorify the good image of France
(“Operation Turquoise”) during the genocide against the Tutsi and insist on the
happening of the double genocide in Rwanda.
For them, the genocide against the Tutsi was the reaction to JuvenalHabyarimana’s airplane crash they gratuitously attribute to the RPF.
Faith-based organizations and affiliated charity organizations
These mainly include White Brothers organizations, Guy Theunis who played
the role in disseminating press of hate before the genocide, Serge Desouter in
his book “RWANDA, LE PROCES DU FPR”, deny genocide against Tutsi advancing
the causes of it out of the President’s airplane crash and the killing of Hutu.
In this line, some organization like “S’OLIVAR Foundation” and INSHUTI
Association whose tasks are collecting money for FDLR to buy weapons and
advocating for it in Western countries.
Genocidaires abroad and their friends holding genocide legacy
These include: genocidaires, their friends, political refugees and prisoners
jailed in different countries such as Augustin Ngirabatware who wrote the book,
“RWANDA, Le faît du mensonge et de l’injustice” and Ferdinand Nahimana,
who wrote the books, “Rwanda: les virages ratés” and “Rwanda. L’élite Hutu
accusée”. All of these individuals deny genocide and their Government’s role.
Family
In a family, parents contribute the biggest share in children’s education: initiating
children into good manners, teaching politeness, discouraging the bad habits,
supervising them and assisting them where necessary. In Rwanda today, some
parents won by genocide ideology or having been involved in genocide, jailed
for that purpose still hold on informally interpreting to their children at home
or in the neighborhood their preferable views on genocide against Tutsi. This
has been seen very often during the mourning times where young people send
phone calls or messages to some Radio stations trivializing the genocide. This
also happens in some secondary schools and universities as well as in some
private areas. Nowadays, one cannot imagine where a student, a child born
after 1994 could have got such a behavior unless from her/his parents at home
and the neighborhood.
3.2.3 Ways of fighting against different forms and channels of
genocide ideology and denial
Ways or strategies may include:
Sensitizing the mass by making public the law N°18/2008 of July 23, 2008,
relating to the punishment of the crime of genocide ideology; Deploying efforts
in pursuing genocidaires who are still free abroad and making a follow up of
such trials;Instituting laws relating to the punishment of the crime genocide denial on
regional level (Great Lakes and in East African Community); Improving diplomatic
relationships among countries of the Great Lakes and exchanging information
about genocide denial; Encouraging other countries to commemorate Genocide
against Tutsi;Teaching the History of genocide against Tutsi to the Youth so that
they are aware of and prevent it; Carrying out and publishing researches on
genocide denial; Continuing keeping the country’s security; Fighting against
genocide ideology from its bases (ethnic and divisionist ideas as well as its
channels-rumor and lie); Reinforcing memory of genocide because without it
its history will be forgotten; Establishing and substituting denial maneuvers
for the truth by reconstructing genocide events (mission of CNLG); Legally
forbidding use of hate symbols or ethnic classification words, hate speech, etc ;
Counter-productive prohibition, as part of an ideology of denial, which prevents
people from naming, discussing and overcoming deep cultural divisions;
Genocide denial and ideology radio stations should be shut down as well as
hate propaganda banned; Denial as the final stage of genocide is best overcome
by public trials and truth commissions, followed by years of education about
the facts of the genocide, particularly for the children of the group or nationthat committed the crime.
Unit Summary
This unit is central as it talks about the crime of genocide and genocide denial.
Its main objective is first to give a clear meaning of the concept, second list
different forms of genocide ideology and examines strategies used to spread
out it in order to be committed easily and lastly make a complete survey of
channels used to deny the crime basically in case of Rwanda society. Among
other channels, formal and non formal education played a very big role to
disseminate the ideology, while in denying it overseas community is involved.
Hence books and articles are written by either perpetrators or politicians and
scholars etc…. Beyond this, acts of sabotage are committed even witnesseskilled or proofs destroyed.