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UNIT 8 GENOCIDE AGAINST THE TUTSI, ACHIEVEMENTS AND CHALLENGES OF THE RWANDAN GOVERNMENT AFTER THE GENOCIDE AGAINST THE TUTSI AND PREVENTION OF GENOCIDE
Key Unit competence: The student-teacher should be able to explain genocide
against the Tutsi, achievements and challenges of
Rwandan Government and analyze the preventive
measures of genocide against the Tutsi from happeningagain in Rwanda and elsewhere in the world.
Genocide is a deliberate, systematic extermination of a human group for diverse
reasons: ethnic, religious, regional, social and political. Genocide is the mass
killing of innocent people based on their tribe, race, religion, political ideas, among
other reasons, with an intention of completely wiping them out. The genocide
against Tutsi was a long planned, deliberate and systematic extermination of
Tutsi. During the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi, over one million Tutsi perished
in only one hundred days. This makes it the most brutal and fastest genocide inthe world ever.
8.1. Causes, stages and effects of genocide against Tutsi
8.1.1. The causes of the Genocide against Tutsi.
i. Division ideology
This has its roots from the colonial era. This was because both the Belgians
and Germans supported and collaborated with the Tutsi in administration of
the country. In addition to that, Germans and Belgians treated Rwandans as
belonging to different social categories, that is Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. In addition,
both the 1st and 2nd republics practiced divisive and exclusive politics based on
social categories in schools and in administration. This planted the seeds that
resulted into the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
ii. Bad leadership during the 1st and the 2nd Republics
Both the 1st and 2nd republics promoted division between Rwandans. They
were characterized by indoctrination of part of the population with extremist,
genocidal ideology. This tore the national unity among the masses and later
resulted into the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Both regimes made no attempt
to unite the people. They maintained the ethnic identity cards indicating a
person as being Hutu or Tutsi. They promoted hatred and disharmony between
the Hutu and Tutsi. The Tutsi were discriminated against, to a point where the
Hutu were discouraged from marrying a Tutsi.
iii. The culture of impunity
During both regimes, criminals who committed crimes against humanity were
rewarded by being promoted to important administrative positions instead
of being punished. Corruption, favouritism, cheating, embezzlement and
diversion of public funds were common under the 1st and 2nd republics. The
victims went unpunished. In cases of massive killing of the Tutsi, the criminals
were congratulated instead of being punished or trailed. Therefore, laws had
loopholes and cases were judged in favour of the majority Hutu. This increasedthe killing of the Tutsi.
iv. The role of local media
The media played a key role in aiding the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The call to murder all Tutsi men, women and children was broadcasted over
one of the two radio stations in Rwanda. Various newspapers, magazines and
television stations also called for and supported the 1994 Genocide against
the Tutsi. Examples are the Kangura and Umurwanshyaka magazines, the
government owned Radio Rwanda and RTLM (Radio Télevision Libre des Mille
Collines) radio and television stations.
v. Greed for power by the members of Akazu
Most members of the Akazu, who mostly originated from Gisenyi prefecture
(current Rubavu and Nyabihu Districts) wanted to keep on the rule over the
country. They formed the inner circle of government and were close friends
to Juvenal Habyarimana’s wife Agathe Kanziga. To achieve this, they took the
responsibility of eliminating the Tutsi of whom they considered as an obstacle
to their intentions. They prepared for Genocide against the Tutsi.
8.1.2. The stages of the Genocide against the Tutsi
For genocide to happen there must be certain preconditions. Foremost among
them is a national culture that does not place a high value on human life. Also
required is a campaign of vilification and dehumanization of the victims by
the perpetrators who are usually the states. .According to Gregory H. Stanton,
genocide has 8 main stages, classification, symbolization, dehumanization,organization, polarization, preparation, extermination and denial.
Source: Inspired by the eight stages of genocide of G.H. Stanton.
i. Classification
At this stage people are divided into “us and them”. Genocide would be
impossible without us and them. All cultures have categories to distinguish
people into “us and them” by ethnicity, race, religion, or nationality: German
and Jew, Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda. Bipolar societies that lack mixed categories,
are the most likely to have genocide.
ii. Symbolization
Names, words or symbols are applied to the targeted group. The classifications
put on ID cards to easily identify the victim. Classification and symbolization
are universally human and do not necessarily result in genocide unless they
lead to the next stage, dehumanization.
iii. Dehumanization
One group denies the humanity of the other group. Members of it are equated
with animals, vermin, insects or diseases. Dehumanization overcomes the
normal human revulsion against murder. At this stage, hate propaganda in
print and on hate radios is used to vilify the victim group.
iv. Organization
Genocide is always organized, usually by the state, often using militias to
provide deniability of state responsibility (the Interahamwe militia in Rwanda.)
Sometimes organization is informal or decentralized (terrorist groups.) Special
army units or militias are often trained and armed. Plans are made for genocidal
killings.
v. Polarization
Extremists drive the groups apart. Hate groups broadcast polarizing
propaganda. Laws may forbid intermarriage or social interaction. Extremist
terrorism targets moderates, intimidating and silencing the center. Moderates
from the perpetrators’ own group are most able to stop genocide, so are the
first to be arrested and killed.
vi. Preparation
Victims are identified and separated out because of their ethnic or religious
identity. Death lists are drawn up. Members of victim groups are forced to wear
identifying symbols. Their property is expropriated. They are often segregated
into ghettoes, deported into concentration camps, or confined to a faminestruckregion and starved.
vii. Extermination
The extermination begins, and quickly becomes the mass killing legally called
“genocide.” It is “extermination” to the killers because they do not believe their
victims to be fully human. When it is sponsored by the state, the armed forces
often work with militias to do the killing.
viii. Denial
Denial is the eighth stage that always follows genocide. It is among the surest
indicators of further genocidal massacres. The perpetrators of genocide dig up
the mass graves, burn the bodies, try to cover up the evidence and intimidate
the witnesses. They deny that they committed any crimes, and often blame
what happened on the victims. They block investigations of the crimes, and
continue to govern until driven from power by force. There they remain with
impunity, unless they are captured and a tribunal is established to try them.
8.1.3. The effects of genocide against Tutsi
The effects of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi are many. They are social,
political and economic as they are explained below.
-- The loss of lives: The most negative impact was the loss of lives in which
more than one million innocent people who included men, women and
children were killed in just 100 days.
-- The destruction of properties: Genocide led to the destruction of
properties like offices, communication lines, schools, and hospitals, and
private properties such as houses.
-- The physical mutilation of people: It caused physical mutilation of
people. During this genocide against Tutsi, the perpetrators did not only
kill the victims but they also deformed the bodies of the Tutsi.
-- The high level of trauma: The 1994 genocide against Tutsi led to a high
level of trauma. This situation was caused by sexual abuse and torture of
the victims by the killers and loss of family members.
-- The excessive degradation of human dignity: It led to excessive
degradation of human dignity characterized by inhuman crimes like
cannibalism, rape and even the burial of people who were alive.
-- The devastation of the environment: The genocide against Tutsi caused
the devastation of the environment. For instance, many forests were cut
down, huge plantations damaged and domestic animals belonging to theTutsi slaughtered and eaten.
The increase in HIV/AIDS prevalence: There is an increase in HIV/
AIDS prevalence in the post genocide period because during the genocide
against the Tutsi, the perpetrators used the rape of women and girls as a
weapon.
-- The economic decline: There was decadence of the country’s economy.
During the genocide most of the active population could not carry out
their daily economic activities because of insecurity. The perpetrators and
victims of genocide could not work and participate in economic activities.
-- The increase in the number of widows, orphans, and the disabled
people: There was an increase in the number of widows, orphans, and
the disabled people. The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi has led to the
death of more than one million Tutsi and left many widows and orphans
who lost their family members. After the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi,Rwanda also registered a large number of disabled persons.
The big number of the prisoners: At the end of the 1994 genocide
against Tutsi, more than one hundred thousand people suspected of
committing genocide were apprehended and imprisoned. Considering
the big number of these prisoners waiting to be judged, it was difficult togive justice to both victims and prisoners in a reasonable period.
Source: https://www.pri.org/stories/2011-06-24/un-convicts-woman-rwanda-genocide.
-- The prevailing climate of suspicion and mistrust: A climate of
suspicion and mistrust also prevailed in the country. The Tutsi survivors
of genocide could not interact with the Hutu whom they considered as the
perpetrators of genocide that led to the death of their relatives.
-- Creation of Gacaca courts: Gacaca courts were created to judge a big
number of alleged criminals of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, by
Organic Law No. 40/2001 of 26/01/2001 published in the official gazette
of the Republic of Rwanda on March 15th, 2001 in Rwanda. Gacaca courts
were created as a solution to the crucial problem of a big number of the
victims of genocide who were waiting for justice. At the international
level, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda ICTR based in
Arusha, Tanzania, was created to judge the cases of the planners of the
1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
-- The image of Rwanda was tarnished at international level: Politically
and diplomatically, Rwanda’s international image was tarnished. After
the genocide against the Tutsi, the country was only seen in a negative
way by considering almost all Rwandans as killers. Rwanda was also seen
as a country totally destroyed and without any humanity.
-- Refugee crisis: Because of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, more
than two million of Rwandans fled the country and established themselves
in neighbouring countries in refugees’ camps. Another big number ofRwandans were displaced throughout the country.
-- The spread of genocide ideology: Due to the 1994 Genocide against
the Tutsi, Rwanda became an epicenter of genocide ideology in the Great
Lakes region. The perpetrators of genocide who fled the country and
went to live in refugees camps in DRC exported the ideology of genocide
and continued to kill innocent people.
In conclusion, it should be noted that the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi left
Rwanda deeply damaged and the devastation was so great and so painful that
some people regarded Rwanda as a failed state. Although this Genocide affected
mainly the Tutsi, all Rwandans were generally affected. Many people became
refugees and were displaced while others were apprehended and becameprisoners.
8.2.1. Achievements of Rwandan Government after Genocide
against the Tutsi
After Genocide against Tutsi and chaotic situation that followed the government
of National unity did a lot to rehabilitate the country which was destroyed by
the leaders of the second Republic. The following are the achievements of the
government of Rwanda after Genocide against Tutsi.
The government of national unity promoted the unity and reconciliation of
Rwandans. The national unity implies the indivisibility of the Rwandan people.
All citizens should have an equal opportunity to national economic resources
and can claim the same political rights. After genocide against Tutsi, the
Government of National Unity fought and eliminated all constraints of national
unity such as “ethnicity” and regionalism. For instance, “ethnic” labels wereremoved from identity cards.
The Commission unity and reconciliation was established and undertakes
research in the matter of peace and unity and reconciliation to make proposals
on measures for eradicating divisions and for reinforcing unity of Rwandans.
It restored peace and security in all parts of the country. After the Genocide
against the Tutsi, the security in Rwanda was extremely unstable as there were
still unhealed wounds from the war. The problem of insecurity especially on
the western border of the country was caused by the incursions of Ex FAR and
Interahamwe militias. Military strategies were devised to find solution and
eradicate the thousands of military groups and ex-combatants who continued
to kill innocent Tutsi citizens.
The government of national unity resettled refugees of 1959 who had taken
refuge in neighbouring countries. Note that the First and second republics
refused these refugees to come back in their mother land saying that Rwanda
was overpopulated and incapable to receive and accommodate her own people
back. At the same time the government of Rwanda repatriated the 1994
refugees.
The Government apprehended and brought to justice the perpetrators of the
Genocide. Thousands of people were arrested and judged. Some of them were
released for lack of evidence and others convicted and sentenced. It is pertinent
to the people of Rwanda to feel that no reconciliation is possible without justice.
The Government of National Unity restored traditional jurisdictions or Gacaca
courts because of a big number of prisoners. The government decided to ease
pressure on the criminal justice system by categorizing Genocide suspects
according to the crimes they are accused of. The category 1, the planners and
authors of the Genocide numbering 2,133, were tried in conventional courts.
Category 2-4 where involvement in genocide was slightly less serious, weretried in traditional community courts or Gacaca courts.
Source: http://www.rwandapedia.rw/sites/default/files/Gacaca%202001%204_1.jpeg
Community dense appreciating the contribution of Gacaca courts in unity and
reconciliation of Rwandans
To strengthen the criminal justice system, the Government of Rwanda organized
special training to magistrates and judges, while courts around the country
were renovated. A national police force was created and charged with civil
security matters and criminal investigations.
To reinforce good governance in Rwanda, anti-corruption and public
accountability institutions were created by the Government. Their operational
capacity continued to be strengthened so as to achieve greater accountability.
They include the Office of the Ombudsman, Office of the Auditor General for
State Finances, Rwanda Public Procurement Authority and Rwanda Revenue
Authority. These institutions are mandated to fight injustice, corruption
and abuse by public officials and related offences in both public and private
administration and to promote the principles of good governance based on
accountability and transparency.
The Government of National Unity instituted meritocracy in the education
system of Rwanda and put measures in place to address the country’s
manpower incapacity. Since 1994, the number of high learning institutions
has gone up from one to six in 2000. The total number of students receiving
higher education rose from 3,000 to just about 7,000. The number of graduates
between 1963 and 1993 was 2,160. Between 1995 and 2000, a period of fiveyears, the government of Rwanda produced over 2,000 graduates.
The former military college in the heart of Kigali was transformed into a
modern institute of science and technology (KIST) in 1997 to provide technical,
skill-based training to 2,500 full time and part-time students. Licenses and
facilitation were granted to other institutions and colleges to make moretraining opportunities available to the population.
The number of primary schools also increased by more than one and a half
times from 1994-2000. The number of qualified teachers rose by 53% between
1994 and 2000. More resources were made available to build new schools and
rehabilitate old ones. The government introduced universal primary education,
established education support institutions, such as the National Curriculum
Development Centre, the general inspectorate of education and an examination
Board “National Examination Council” was introduced to ensure fairness,
transparency and uniformity standards.
The Nine Year and Twelve Year Basic Education were introduced to facilitate
access to lower and upper secondary education. For the first time parents were
involved in the construction of schools for their children.
To create a highly skilled and productive workforce, the government has
introduced technical and vocational training centers, established colleges of
technology under “Rwanda Development Workforce authority”.
The Government of National Unity is committed to promoting democracy and
empowering the population of Rwanda to make policy-decisions and to become
masters of their destiny. March 1999, grassroots elections were held across
the country at cell and sector levels. The elections demonstrated the success of
the unity and reconciliation program as people voted on the basis of merit, not
ethnicity. The democratization process moved up to the district. The officials to
this level were directly elected by the people for the first time in the history of
Rwanda. Rwanda drafted the new constitution which was based on the views
of people. After the constitution was promulgated, the general and presidential
elections were held in 2003.
The Government of National Unity was committed to rebuilding, expanding
and improving the infrastructure of the country in order to facilitate
economic growth. Since 2003 new roads have been built and others have been
reconstructed to improve the road system.
The government improved health domain by encouraging the people
to participate in health programmes like Health insurance program;
constructing more healthinfrastructure and training more health staff. La
Rwandaised’AssuranceMaladie (RAMA), later Rwanda Social Security Board
was established to ensure that government civil servants get proper medicalinsurance coverage.
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Moreover, the government of Rwanda promoted gender equality. The
Government and civil society priorities were to strengthen capacity building
programmes for women in all fields. In this regard, the Rwandan legislation
which was disadvantaging women was amended in order to give equal
opportunities to both men and women. Furthermore, the gender factor was
integrated in all national policies on Rwanda’s long term development.
8.2.2. Challenges of Rwandan Government after genocide
• Suspicion and mistrust. Since Rwanda’s social cohesion had fractured
due to the divisive politics that preceded the genocide, suspicion and
mistrust characterized the population. Thus, the new government
inherited a deeply scarred nation where trust within and between
communities had been replaced by fear and betrayal. The government
had a heavy task to restore unity and trust among Rwandans.
• Security issue: Security problems were also a challenge to the
government of national unity. Although the RPF had captured power
and a transitional government had been put in place, in various parts of
Rwanda the former government forces and Interahamwe militia were
still carrying out genocide against Tutsi. In addition, infiltrators from
refugee camps across the border continued to cross and destabilise
the country. The Broad-based Transitional Government under RPF
leadership had to devise means to address insecurity in the wholecountry so that Rwandans could begin the task of rebuilding the nation.
• Resettlement of refugees and genocide survivors. The RPF strived
to restore Rwanda as a country for all Rwandans and provided a
homeland to which millions of Rwandan refugees could return. Tens of
thousands of internally displaced people, especially genocide survivors
whose homes had been destroyed, were resettled and provided with
basic housing facilities.
• Economic challenges after genocide against Tutsi. The Rwandan
economy and political situation before 1994 was marked by economic
stagnation and high levels of poverty, mainly attributed to lack of
vision, poor economic planning, mismanagement, embezzlement and
corruption by the leadership of the time. The post-genocide Rwanda
faced economic challenges including an unstable macroeconomic
environment. For example, in 1994 the economy shrank by 50 per cent
and inflation rose to 64 per cent. Between 1985 and 1994, the GDP
growth rate was a mere 2.2 per cent against a population growth rate
of 3.2 per cent, meaning there was an annual decline of -1 per cent of
per capita GDP. This was mainly due to the fact that the economy was
characterized by low productivity in all sectors, but most especially in
agriculture, a sector on which more than 90 per cent of the population
depended for their livelihood.
• Low private investment and as such, the country lacked a serious and
vibrant private sector to drive economic growth. In the public sector
too, there was a highly unskilled labour force because the skilled
professionals had been particularly targeted in the genocide. In brief,
the Government of National Unity inherited an economy completely
destroyed by genocide and over three decades’ mismanagement.
• Challenges in sector of health: in health the picture was similarly
miserable. This sector had always been weak in Rwanda. Health
workers in this sector were few and poorly trained. This situation
was exacerbated by the genocide in which a large number of health
workers had participated and consequently fled the country or were
killed. The few that had returned from exile settled in Kigali, which
had some infrastructures and was also safer to live in. To mitigate the
health crisis, a number of NGOs and the army came in and tried to make
a difference, but the task was overwhelming since the number of the
injured and the sick was very high.
• Challenges in the sector of education: During the 1994 genocide
against the Tutsi, most education infrastructure was destroyed and
the human capital decimated. Few people who went to school could
not translate their knowledge into productive activities to improve the
standard of living. In the eastern part of the country, schools were not
only few, but in some areas they did not exist at all. It was a challenge to
provide education infrastructure across the country and train teachers.
• A broken justice sector. More than 140, 000 genocide suspects had
been arrested, yet there was insufficient prisons infrastructure to host
them. Their upkeep became a huge challenge in terms of feeding, and
provision of medical and other services. To make matters worse, there
were an inadequate number of trained lawyers to handle the large
number of perpetrators of genocide and this was also true for othercrimes that were being committed in the country.
Genocide denial is defined as an attempt to deny or minimize statements of
the scale and severity of an incidence of genocide. Since 1994, the genocide
denial has taken three main forms: Literal genocide denial, interpretative and
implicatory genocide denial. In Rwanda genocide was denied in the following
ways:
• The minimization of genocide in any behavior exhibited publicly and
intentionally in order to reduce the weight or consequences of the
genocide against Tutsi.
• Minimizing how the genocide was committed.
• Altering the truth about the genocide against the Tutsi in order to hidethe truth from the people.
• Asserting that there were two genocides in Rwanda: one committed
against the Tutsi and the other against Hutu or saying there had been
acts of mutual killing, etc.
8.3.1. Literal genocide denial
The literal genocide denial involves negating the facts of genocide, silencing
talk of genocidal plans and killings. Literal genocide denial was mainly confined
to the private sphere during the early post-genocide years. It still appears in
some research, in internet blogs, and among the lawyers of those accused of
genocide at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
8.3.2. Interpretative genocide denial
This form of genocide denial involves categorizing evidence that is established,
and goes beyond negating, ignoring or silencing talk of genocide. Higher moral
goals are often invoked in cases of interpretative denial, such as: revolutionary
struggle, ethnic purity, western civilization’, or in the case of Rwanda, legitimate
self-defence and a striving for ethnic-based self-determination.
In the media and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the most
common expression of interpretative denial was to present the genocide
against the Tutsi as simply part of wider ‘civil war’ of all against all, rather than
a targeted genocide. Interpretative genocide denial also uses the term “the
double genocide” to deny genocide and the responsibility of perpetrators.
8.3.3. Implicatory genocide denial
This third form of genocide denial consists of revengeful counter-accusations,
and explicit justification for one’s position, through anticipatory counter –
accusation against the other party. The aim is also to exonerate all atrocities
and lay the blame on others’.
In implicatory denial the other side is always guilty of lies, propaganda, ideology,
disinformation or prejudice, and thus of triggering the genocide. Very often,
implicatory genocide denial tries to prove that if genocide was committed, it
was not by those accused but by the ‘other side’ in a civil war.
In Rwanda, since around 2003, implicatory genocide denial has been aimed at
restoring a sense of self-worth among those accused of genocide crimes.
The implicatory genocide denial becomes prevalent and involves explicitcounter-accusations that genocide was planned by those previously viewed as
saving the victims. A double genocide thesis is part of both the interpretative
and implicatory forms of genocide denial. The most channels of genocide denialand ideology are the books, the newspapers, the public speeches, the films etc.
Prevention is a continuous process that aims at avoiding the occurrence of
something harmful by tackling the causes of the harm prior to it and at each
phase of the process to its occurrence and after. Genocide Prevention is any
action that works toward averting a future genocide. Genocide ideology can beprevented at three levels: primary, secondary and tertiary levels.
Source:http://www. richardsrwanda.org /wp-content/ uploads /2011/07/284884_224883366
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• The prevention at the primary level consists of measures aiming at
creating an environment that reduces the risk of its escalation. This
means preventive measures that may avoid the occurrence of the harm
by tackling its root causes and put in place mechanisms that ensure
the prevention of that harm. This requires using domestic legislation,
independent judiciary and an effective police force to protect people.
• Prevention of genocide at secondary level is necessary in two
situations:
• Firstly, in case a state has not adopted measures at the primary level
and
• Secondly, in case the measures adopted before did not prevent the
risks of genocide from developing.
The secondary prevention takes place when genocide is already taking
place. At this level, many genocidal actions are observed, such as
hatred, intolerance, racism, ethnic cleansing, torture, sexual violence,
disappearances, dehumanizing and public discourse.
The main focus is to end the genocide before it progresses further
and claims more lives. This level of prevention may involve military
intervention especially when it is an armed conflict context or use
peaceful prevention to save lives.
• Prevention of genocide at tertiary level focuses on avoiding genocide
in future by rebuilding, restoring the community and dealing with all
the consequences to repair the damage caused. This phase deals with
all consequences.
According to the international humanitarian law, the international community
has the obligation to intervene once all signs are clear enough to prove thatgenocide is happening.
8.5. Challenges faced in the process of preventing genocide
While fighting and preventing genocide, there are many challenges including
the following:
• The first challenge is related to lack of certainty that the presence of
factors at different phases may lead to genocide;
• The second challenge is the uncertainty on whether the preventive
measures to be taken can prevent the genocide;
In all cases, no one can be sure that the signs of genocide will lead to it
or that the measures to prevent it will be effective. In fact, by the time
this is clear, it might be too late to prevent genocide from happening
and too difficult to do it without causing other problems.
• Another important challenge is that there is no institution that
assesses the factors and phases of genocide and determine who
takes appropriate measures, when to take them, how and where to
implement them.
Given the nature of prevention and the process to genocide, it is very
difficult for the preventer to be sure beforehand that the preventivemeasures to be taken will definitely prevent the occurrence of genocide.
8.6. Solutions to the challenges faced in the process of
preventing genocide
8.6.1. The role of the international community
The poor record in preventing genocides forced the United Nations to
conceptualize ways of deterring the crime while “recognizing and fully
respecting the sovereignty of States.” The then UN Secretary - General Kofi
Annan took important measures which inspired many programs in the field
of genocide prevention. He identified a Five Point Action Plan to end genocide:
• Prevent armed conflict, which usually provides the context for genocide;
• Protect civilians in armed conflict, including the mandate for UN
peacekeepers;
• End impunity through judicial action in both national and international
courts;
• Gather military information and set up an early warning system;
• Take quick and decisive action along a continuum of steps, including
military action.
8.6.2 Regional level
• Various regional mechanisms have developed distinct methods for
engaging with concerns that fall within the borders of their member
states. The African Union (AU) is significantly more engaged in the
region than its predecessor, the OAU.
• Through the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace
and Security Council of the African Union (PSC), the African Standby
Force (ASF) was established as part of the African Peace and Security
Architecture (APSA). It includes conflict prevention, early warning and
preventive diplomacy, peace-building, intervention and humanitarianaction, and disaster management.
• The Eastern Africa Standby Force (EASF) created by the decision of
the Summit of the African Union held in July 2004 in Addis Ababa, is
a constituent organization of the ASF. Yet, a number of the regional
organizations still lack the resources, logistical and communication
capacities to effectively enforce the peace.
8.6.3 At national level
In the aftermath of genocide, measures have been taken to face the immediate
consequences and to prevent genocide from happening again. The following
are the measures taken to prevent genocide:
• Prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, fighting against
denial and revisionism of genocide as well as eradication of genocide
ideology and all its manifestations;
• Eradication of discrimination and divisionism based on ethnicity,
region or on any other ground as well as promotion of national unity;
• Building a State governed by the rule of law, a pluralistic democratic
Government, equality of all Rwandans and between men and women
• Laws punishing the crime of genocide and the genocide ideology
have been elaborated. Special organ to monitor and implement these
principles has been created, the National Commission for the Fight
against Genocide established by Law Nº09/2007 of 16/02/2007. Its
mission is “to prevent and fight against Genocide, its ideology and
overcoming its consequences”.
• Therefore, it is imperative that the genocide against the Tutsi and all
other acts of genocide elsewhere in the world be remembered. The
second one is to educate people for sustainable peace and preventionof genocide using memorials.
Bisesero memorial sites and genocide commemoration are one of the ways to
prevent genocide
Then the prevention of genocide should be done in educational setting. The
country of Rwanda has included the prevention of genocide and peace education
as a cross cutting issue in the programmes that have to be taught at all levels ofeducation from the primary to the tertiary.
Figure 2.7: Educating the youth through testimonies about the past is a good way to prevent
