History

Introduction

On the eve of the outbreak of the First World War i.e. 1914, almost all the African

countries had been conquered by European countries and put under a colonial

rule system. Except two African nations, Liberia and Ethiopia escaped from

this domination. From this time, Africans differently reacted to the European

imperialism by developing a nationalistic spirit. Nationalism can be defined as the

desire for Africans to end all forms of foreign control and influence so as to be able

to take charge of their political, social and economic affairs. Before 1960 a big number

of African countries were still under colonial control. However, by 1970 most of them

had managed to recover their independence.

 

Several factors contributed to the rise of African nationalism. These include

the loss of independence to foreigners and the introduction of foreign systems

of government, unfair colonial policies, settlement of large numbers of European

settlers in different parts of Africa, emergence of the new super powers (USA

and USSR), improved transport network and urbanization, colonial education,

newspapers, influence of decolonization in Asia, example of Liberia and Ethiopia,

the Pan -African Movement, Organization for African Unity, formation of political

parties, contribution of African nationalists, religion, Harold Macmillan, Labour

Party in Britain, and World Wars among others.

 

On the other hand, after the colonial conquest of Africa, Africans became aware

of the evils of colonization and began the struggle for independence. Different

factors facilitated the rise of the African nationalism. These encompass the colonial

education, the churches, ideas and expressions of support from individuals of African

ancestry through the Pan-African movement, the exposure to the world through

world wars, and, of course, the forum provided briefly by the League of Nations and

later by the United Nations. The Christian church also served as the tools that the

Africans used in the struggle for the liberation of their countries.

 

In the aftermath of the Second World War, nationalist movements in Africa quickly

gained momentum. This was largely due to the war itself, and its effects. Many

thousands of Africans had fought in the Allied armies, expanding their outlook and

their knowledge of international affairs; and the war had been to some extent an

antiracist war - against the racist governments of the Axis powers. In addition, during

this period many more Africans had by now received a kind of modern education

and begun to take an interest in political matters.

 

In many parts of Africa outstanding leaders arose such men as Kwame Nkrumah of

the Gold Coast, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Sékou Touré of

(French) Guinea, Houphouet- Boigny of Ivory Coast. Thus, between 1951 (Libya) and

1980 (Zimbabwe) colonial Africa ceased to exist. All these leaders and many others

that are not mentioned here played a crucial role in the political movements that

helped their countries to recover independence.

 

Key unit competence

Analyse the causes of African nationalism, the means used to acquire independence

in Africa and its impact on African societies.

 

Learning objectives

By the end of this unit, I should be able to:

•             Analyze both internal and external causes of African nationalism and their

transformations;

•             Examine the means and mechanisms used by Africans in the process to regain

their independence;

•             Assess the steps taken by some African countries to regain independence of

some countries;

•             Examine the consequences of African nationalism with reference to Zambia

and Ghana.

 

Introductory activity

Why most of the African states especially Zimbabwe, Kenya, Algeria, Angola,

Mozambique and South Africa resorted to armed struggles after 1945 as

compared to other forms of liberation?

 

4.1. The causes of African nationalism

 

Activity 4.1

Explain in not more than 500 words the internal and external causes of African

nationalism.

Nationalism can be defined as the desire for colonised people to end all forms

of foreign control and influence so as to be able to  take charge of their political,

social and economic affairs. Before 1960 most parts of Africa were still under

colonial control. However, by 1970 most of the African states were independent

from European colonialism. Several factors contributed to the rise of this African

nationalism. The factors that gave birth to African nationalism are of two kinds;

internal factors and external factors.

 

4.1.1 Internal factors of African nationalism

There are forces generated within African societies that brought about nationalism

in Africa. These factors included:

 

The loss of African independence to foreigners and the introduction of foreign

systems of government frustrated some Africans and caused feelings of resistance

among rulers and peoples of Africa.

 

In the colonies the colonisers wanted to rebuild their ruined economies, which

were heavily damaged by the Second World War. New measures to increase

production and reduce the colonial masters’ expenditure on the colonies were put

in place. These measures include land capturing to establish more plantations for

the white settlers, forced labour to work on the colonial plantations as to increase

the production. New taxes like gun tax, hut tax were introduced. Such exploitation

awakened Africans to start fighting for their self-determination, thus, the rise of

nationalism.

 

The increased numbers of European settlers in different parts of Africa was another

factor which caused the growth of African nationalism. Large numbers of Africans

were displaced from fertile lands in Kenya, Zimbabwe, Tanzania, South Africa and

other African countries. This land capturing forced peoples’ displacement and

caused not only the destruction of African cultures, poverty, hunger and other forms

of suffering but also exposed Africans to segregation. This settlement was another

factor that caused the need to fight for political freedom and self-determination.

The formation of peasant cooperative unions in rural areas to defend the interests

and welfare of the farmers was another motivating factor for African awakening.

 

Some associations were formed by the colonialists to speed up the production

and the marketing of cash crops as well as sensitizing peasants about cultivation

through their associations. But later on, nationalistic feelings developed through

peasants’ associations and they later turned against the colonialists’ structures in

rural areas. Some of these associations included The Kilimanjaro Cooperative Union,

Victoria Cooperative and Buhaya Cooperative Union.

During the colonial period, transport network and urbanisation were improved.

This transport improvement led to concentration of population in mining centres,

cash crops growing and processing areas, ports and cities which in turn caused

urbanisation. Meanwhile, many people from different ethnic groups migrated

to the towns and since they were from different backgrounds they shared

their experiences. They realised that they suffered the same problems of racial

discrimination, unemployment and poor living conditions. Consequently, they

decided to unite and fight for their independence.

 

Formation of independent churches contributed also to African nationalism. These

churches were led by the Africans and had broken away from the main stream white

churches. They challenged their misdeeds over the Africans by addressing not only

religious but also social political and economic grievances of the Africans. Such

churches included Joseph Ejayi church in West Africa, the Kikuyu Native church, the

Watch tower church movement in Malawi in 1906, the African national church in

Tanganyika, the People God and religion of Jesus in Kenya and United native church

in Cameroon. Such churches openly criticized the colonialists and encouraged their

followers to fight against them, thus, the rise of African nationalism.

 

Rise of elites who had attained colonial education such as Nyerere in Tanganyika,

Nkrumah in Ghana, Kamuzu Banda in Malawi and Abafemi Awolowo of Nigeria was

another factor which contributed to the rise of African nationalism. This modern

education helped educated Africans to get used to the whites’ language. As a

result, African elites were exposed to various struggles and liberation movements

outside Africa. Some elites benefited from their studies out of the continent. Their

different experiences contributed to the rise of nationalism through the provision of

leadership for nationalistic struggles.

 

The role of mass media for example the newspapers like the Accra evening newspaper

and Radio stations like Radio Cairo also played a major role. After World War II, there

emerged a big number of African elites who founded a range of Radio stations and

newspapers. The elites used these newspapers and radio stations to expose colonial

exploitation and to mobilise the people for the nationalistic struggle.

The presence of the independent states of Liberia and Ethiopia showed that it was

possible for Africans to rule their own countries. Thus the example of Liberia and

Ethiopia also influenced the rise of nationalistic movements in Africa.

 

The formation of political parties also inspired African nationalism. They sensitised

the colonised people about their human rights and especially the need for political

independence. These political parties included Convention People’s Party (CPP) in

Ghana, Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in Tanganyika, currently Tanzania.

Linked to this was the work of the O.A.U. The O.A.U supported the liberation struggles

by providing diplomatic and military support. The O.A.U liberation committee with

headquarters in Dar-es–salaam under the leadership of Julius Nyerere inspired and

supported nationalistic movements in Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, South Africa,

and Zimbabwe among others.

 

4.1.2 External factors of African nationalism

There were some factors that motivated the rise of African nationalism but generated

from outside Africa. Such forces included:

 

The emergence of the new superpowers namely the USA and the Soviet Union

which replaced Britain, France and Germany. The latter had failed to protect world

peace. The new powers wanted to be free to pursue their trading interests in Africa.

In addition the USA wanted to spread the ideology of capitalism while the Soviet

Union wanted to extend communism. They therefore put pressure on colonial

powers to free colonised people. Moreover, they supported liberation movements

by providing for example scholarships for education. They also used their influence

in the United Nations to call for independence of African colonies and this support

encouraged the growth of nationalistic movements.

 

The influence of decolonisation in Asia also played a big role in the growth of African

nationalism. The independence of India and Pakistan in 1947 also encouraged

Africans to struggle for their political independence. Particular importance was

Mahatma Gandhi’s strategy of non violence. This strategy was borrowed by

Nkrumah who called it positive action. It involved political campaigns, education,

newspapers, boycotts and strikes. African nationalists decided to use this strategy

for promoting nationalism.

 

The Pan-African Movement also influenced African nationalism. The Pan-African

Congresses which were held in the first half of the 20th century emphasised the need

to promote the dignity of black people and liberate them from racial discrimination.

They emphasised the idea of Africa for Africans. More particularly, the first Pan

African Congress was held in Manchester in 1945. It was attended by key African

figures like Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta.

 

The congress resolved that Africans must organise liberation movements to free

Africa from foreign control. This encouraged the rise of nationalistic movements.

 

The returning ex soldiers who participated in the Second World War on the side

of their colonial masters assisting them as porters and security guards of army

camps. This participation brought awareness since these soldiers were exposed

to western democracy, freedom, and liberation message. There are for instance

some veterans like Dedan Kimathi who later became a leader of Mau-Mau in Kenya;

Jonathan Okwiriri who became the president of the younger Kavirondo and formed

movements that directly opposed the colonialists

Figure 4.1 : The Tirailleurs Sénégalais

Source: https://ebonydoughboys.org/index-12.html

Formation of the U.N which replaced the League of Nations where independent

African states were allowed to participate as members. This institution became an

organisation of all nations. The African and Asian nations through the UN opposed

the colonialists and demanded for self-determination, unlike during the League of

Nations where African colonies became mandatory colonies of European nations.

The Bandung conference of April 17, 1955 where Asian and African nations like South

Africa, Ghana, Nigeria, Egypt and Libya met in Indonesia to discuss their problems

which included colonialism and economic development and they emphasised

solidarity. It was during this conference that Non Aligned Movement was formed.

 

The Marshal plan was initiated by George Marshall the American Secretary of State,

whereby he began giving loans to the war ruined European nations on condition that

they should decolonise Africa and Asian nations, by granting them independence.

The role of the Labour Party in Britain after 1945 was also important. The Second

World War led to death, destruction of buildings and other property. As a result, the

Conservative Party of Winston Churchill was replaced by the Labour Party led by

Clement Atlee.

 

The British Labour Party which assumed power in 1945, its policies were against

colonialism. They viewed colonialism as oppression of humanity and wastage of

British tax payers’ money, thus, such anti colonial sentiments in Britain made many

nationalistic movements to agitate for their immediate independence.

 

Maurice Harold Macmillan, the British Prime Minister (1957-1963), also played an

important role. As a result of powerful nationalistic movements in Africa, on one

of his visits to Africa he made the famous speech called The wind of change. He

observed that a wind of change was sweeping through Africa and that colonial

powers had to leave Africa to avoid fighting. This encouraged the African demand

for independence.

Figure 4.2 : Maurice Harold Macmillan

Source: Transcript of the BBC‘s recording: http://www.bbc.co.uk/archive/apartheid/

7203.shtml

 

The aftermath of the Second World War to the colonialists who incurred a lot of

losses and could not continue spending on the colonies so they were forced to grant

independence to some African states.

 

Application activity 4.1

1. Explain the role of World War I in the rise of African nationalism.

2. Show how the Second World War influenced the African nationalism.

3. Search on internet the Harold Macmillan’s speech The wind of change

and explain his views on African nationalism.

 

4.2. Means used by Africans to regain their independence

When the colonial rule had been firmly established, Africans continued to exhibit

many forms of disaffection and resistance. Because Africa had been sliced into

different colonies, the resistance emerged and formed organisations to protest

various elements of colonial rule. The protests were often based on the territory

under one colonial power such as France, Britain or Germany.

There were four types/methods that Africans applied in their struggles to liberate

themselves from the colonial domination:

 

4.2.1 Peaceful liberation

Peaceful liberation involved intensive negotiation between the colonialists

and African nationalists. For instance the political independence of Tanganyika,

Ghana, Uganda and Zambia applied negotiation or peaceful means to get their

independence.

 

 

4.2.2 Liberation by revolution

The liberation by revolution involved complete overthrow of the existing political

system. This existed in colonies where independence was given to the minority at

the expenses of the majority; the case in point is in Zanzibar where the minority

Arabs were granted independence by the British at the expense of the majority

blacks which prompted them to make a revolution in 1964 supported by the masses.

It took place even in Egypt and Libya. Liberation by revolution is always sudden and

involves bloodshed.

 

4.2.3 Liberation by armed struggle

The struggle was conducted in the situation where peaceful means failed and the

imperialists were reluctant to negotiate or to give independence to the Africans.

In such a situation, the Africans picked up arms to fight against the imperialists by

force as a method to achieve their independence. For example in Zimbabwe, Kenya,

Angola, South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique the fight involved bloodshed and the

use of guerrilla warfare.

 

4.2.4 Combination of peaceful means and armed struggle

In some countries, the liberation movements combined both peaceful means

and armed struggle. Firstly, the Africans resorted to armed struggles as a way to

achieve their independence and then applied dialogue/peaceful means to solve the

problems of their independence. This situation happened in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Since it was virtually impossible for Africans to organise on a country-wide basis,

regional or ethnic organisations became the most practical options. Because the

coloniser was European and the colonised was African, such organisations were

seen, particularly by outsiders, almost entirely in racial terms. It served the colonial

powers’ interests. Colonisers exploited the situation by playing ethnic groups

against one another. In addition they considered the more militant or outspoken

organisations as anti-white.

4.2.5 Independence movements

African nationalism was not quite like that of Europe because there were no states

like those in Europe when colonisation occurred. There are, however, many African

groups with strong historical and social identities comparable to the ethnic and

national groups of Europe. When colonial authorities drew boundaries, they did

not pay any regard to the actual distributions of the various national peoples

and ethnic communities; thus, the geographical entities that had been drawn to

the convenience of the Europeans contained diversities of peoples. Ethnically

homogeneous colonies were rare. However, diverse African groups governed by

one colonial authority were able through their leaders to forge a sense of belonging

to that geographical entity.

 

Channels of African nationalism

In political terms, African nationalism began to assert itself primarily after World

War II. Organisations through which nationalism was channelled were varied and

heterogeneous. There were groups like:

 

•             The professional groups, consisting of lawyers, doctors, Teachers, clerks,

and small merchants who tended to be allied with wealthy merchants and

contractors; or, in Marxian terms, the petty bourgeoisie who were impatient

with the status quo and eager to have the system transformed so that they

could better themselves and perhaps help others as well;

 

•             The colonial bureaucracy, including Westernized Africans who were the

immediate beneficiaries of the “Africanisation” of top government positions

when independence came;

 

•             The urban workers, small shopkeepers, petty traders, and hawkers interested

in improving their wages and working conditions through trade unions (some

of which were affiliated with emerging political parties, while others were not)

and who made up the “informal sector” of colonial economies;

 

•             The cash crop and peasant farmers, some of whom were wealthy, and all of

whom constituted to a powerful and important segment of Africans; peasant

farmers toiled on their small farms in the countryside and grew most of the

food eaten in the country. Peasant concerns had to do with agriculture; they

protested policies that controlled the market prices of their produce in urban

markets, restricted ownership of cattle, or charged exorbitant fees for cattle

dips.

 

African nationalism was, therefore, composed of a number of different elements,

representing sometimes interrelated, but often divergent, economic interests,

which temporarily united Africans in an anti-colonial ‘struggle’. The nationalistic

struggles were waged, in part, by religious associations, trade unions, and welfare

organisations, as well as by political parties.

 

Trade unions and welfare associations were formed as towns and began to grow,

particularly after the World War II, and the Africans in urban areas began to form

associations to assist new arrivals from the rural areas with accommodations, jobs,

and a supportive network of individuals from “home.”

 

Although the vast majority of African states achieved independence peacefully

through negotiation, it nevertheless makes a lot of sense to refer to the process

of transition from colonialism to independence as a struggle. Africans were never

simply asked: When do you wish to become independent? They had to demand for

their independence; they had to agitate for it. Many “agitators” went to jail; some of

them were banished from their own countries for long periods of time. It used to

be said that the surest path to becoming the prime minister of an English-speaking

African country was through jail. Indeed, African leaders such as Kenyatta (Kenya),

Nkrumah (Ghana) and Banda (Malawi) served time in colonial jails before they

became leaders of their own countries.

 

Many factors mediated the struggle for independence: colonial education, the

churches, ideas and expressions of support from individuals of African ancestry

through the Pan African Movement, the exposure to the world through world wars,

and, of course, the forum provided briefly by the League of Nations and later the

United Nations. It is interesting that the Christian church and colonial education,

the pivotal tools in the Europeans’ “civilizing missions” in Africa, also inadvertently

became the tools that the Africans used in fighting for freedom. Despite the

atomizing impact of the divide-and-rule policies employed by colonial authorities,

it is remarkable indeed that African people were able to wage fairly unified

movements.

 

Application activity 4.2

1. Discuss the factors that determined the way used by African countries

to gain their independence.

2. Describe the factors that mediated the African struggle for

independence.

3. Discuss the different forms of liberation used by African countries to

gain independence.

 

 

4.3. Process followed by African countries to regain independence

 

The process of decolonization or national liberation was fundamental in Africa

because it allowed African states to regain their independence. African nationalism

can be traced back to the period of African resistance and colonial expansion. It

also dates back to the imposition of colonial rule. But later, the intensification of

exploitation stimulated the nationalistic struggles. The struggles evolved in different

ways in different parts of Africa.

 

4.3.1 North Africa and French colonies

The first moves occurred in the north. After their withdrawal from South-East Asia,

the French were faced with nationalistic unrests in Morocco and Tunisia which they

were unable to subdue, and both were granted independence in 1956 whereas the

British had left Sudan which became an independent nation in 1955. The greatest

blow to France to be discussed later, though, was a Moslem revolt in Algeria, regarded

as part of France, and where there were over a million European settlers.

 

Meanwhile France had launched in 1958, a Community of African nations to include

all the remaining French territories in Africa. De Gaulle had probably hoped that

Algeria would fit into this. In the Community each state had to be self-governing,

but closely linked to France in foreign, strategic, financial and economic affairs.

The following countries became members: Senegal, Gabon, Chad, Congo, Central

African Republic, Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Upper Volta, Ivory Coast, Benin (Dahomey),

and Malagasy (Madagascar). Guinea did not join and became independent.

 

Two years later all members of the Community became fully independent where

upon six of them withdrew from the Community (Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Upper

Volta, Ivory Coast and Benin). The organs of the government in the Community later

dropped into suspense, but the French influence remained dominant.

 

The ex-mandates Togo and Cameroon also became independent in 1960 and

remained territories associated with the Community. French Somaliland became a

“territory associated with France” and fully independent as the Republic of Djibouti

in 1977. In all these ex-French African states, except those in North Africa, French is

still an official language and it is also much spoken in ex-French North Africa.

Figure 4.3: Colonial Africa

Source:http://www.stampworldhistory.com/maps/continent-maps/colonialafrica-2/

 

4.3.2 British African colonies

The first African state to gain independence was the British colony, the Gold Coast,

which became independent as Ghana in 1957 under the leadership of Nkrumah (and

the British part of Togo mandate was added to Ghana). The other British possessions

in West Africa (Nigeria, Sierra Leone and The Gambia) followed between 1960 and

1965. Gambia took the name “The Gambia” after the independence. Progress

towards self-government and eventual full independence was probably smoother

in those West African states where there were few white settlers than it was in some

of the climatically more salubrious territories in East Africa.

In fact, in East Africa there were significant numbers of Europeans and Asians who

were apprehensive of their future under African rule. For instance, in Kenya there

were some 40,000-50,000 whites, about the same number of Arabs, and nearly

200,000 Indians or Pakistanis who had originally been imported for work on railway

building.

 

Nevertheless, between 1960 and 1964 independence was granted to all the British

possessions in East Africa: British Somaliland (which was united with ex-Italian

Somaliland to form the new state of Somalia), Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Malawi, and

Zambia. In Kenya Britain had been confronted during most of the 1950s by the Mau

Mau, a Kikuyu secret society expressing resentment against the European settlers

and against the restrictions on allotment of land to Africans.

In South Africa the British protectorate of Bechuanaland became independent

Botswana in 1966; and two other tribal territories (Basutoland and Swaziland) which

were surrounded by the Union of South Africa and had become British protectorates

in 1868 and 1902 respectively, also gained independence, Basutoland (as Lesotho)

in 1966, Swaziland in 1968. In 1960 the Union of South Africa became a republic,

and in 1961 withdrew from the British Commonwealth. The former British colonies

and protectorates Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, The Gambia, Tanzania, Uganda,

Kenya, Malawi, Zambia, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland all remained in the

Commonwealth. The situation in Southern Rhodesia was more difficult. Britain’s plans

for her independence with majority rule (in effect African rule) were bitterly opposed

by most of the ¼ million or so white settlers. Failing to reach any agreement on the

question, the white Rhodesians in 1965 declared Rhodesia to be an independent

Dominion, within the Commonwealth. Negotiations and discussions - and internal

troubles - continued for 15 years, until in 1980 Rhodesia became the independent

African nation Zimbabwe and staying in the British Commonwealth. The remaining

territory in southern Africa, South West Africa or Namibia, was still administered by

South Africa, whichwould like to incorporate it into the republic against the ruling

of the United Nations until the end of apartheid in 1990.

4.3.3 Belgian African Colonies

Belgian control of their African possessions, the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi,

ended in chaos, violence and civil war. The Belgians thought that the best way to

preserve their control was by denying the Africans any advanced education –this

would prevent them from coming into contact with nationalist ideas and deprive

them of an educated professional class who could lead them to independence;

and using tribal rivalries to their advantage by playing off different tribes against

each other. This strategy worked well in the huge Congo which contained about

in 150 tribes and in Ruanda-Urundi between Hutu and Tutsi. In spite of all these

efforts, nationalist ideas still began to filter in from neighbouring French and British

colonies. The Congo Free State became independent as Zaïre in 1960.

Rwanda and Burundi were detached from it, and became separate states in 1962.

 

4.3.4 Portuguese colonies

The main Portuguese possessions were in Africa the two large areas, Angola

and Mozambique, and a small colony of Portuguese, Guinea. The Portuguese

government ignored nationalist developments in the rest of Africa, and for many

years after 1945 the Portuguese were reluctant to give up their African empire. By

1960 the nationalists were greatly encouraged by the large number of other African

states winning independence and fighting broke out first in Angola in 1961 where

Agostinho Neto’s MPLA (People’s Movement for Angolan Liberation), was the main

nationalist movement.

Violence soon spread to Guinea where Amilcar Cabral led the resistance, and to

Mozambique, where the Frente de Libertaçao de Moçambique (FRELIMO), or the

Mozambique Liberation Front guerrillas were organised by Eduardo Mondlane. The

Portuguese army found it impossible to suppress the nationalistic guerrillas; the

troops became demoralized and the cost scaled until by 1973 the government was

spending 40% of its budget fighting three colonial wars at once. Still the Portuguese

government refused to abandon its policy; but public opinion and many army

officers were tired of the wars, and in 1974 the Salazar dictatorship was overthrown

by a military coup.

In 1974-75 Portugal abandoned the struggle, and all three colonies became

independent. Guinea took the name of Guinea-Bissau (September 1974) and Angola

and Mozambique became independent the following year.

 

4.3.5 Spanish colonies

Spain owned some areas in Africa; the largest was Spanish Sahara, and there were

also the small colonies of Spanish Morocco, Ifni and Spanish Guinea. General Franco

who ruled Spain from 1939 until 1975 showed little interest in the colonies.

 When nationalistic movements developed he did not resist for a long time in the

case of Spanish Morocco when French gave independence to French Morocco in

1956. Franco followed suit and Spanish Morocco became part of Morocco. The other

two small colonies had to wait much longer. Ifni was allowed to join Morocco, but

not until 1969, and Guinea became independent as Equatorial Guinea in 1968.

In Spanish Sahara General Franco resisted even longer, because it was a valuable

source of phosphates. Only after Franco’s death in 1975 did the new Spanish

government agree to release Sahara. But instead of making it into an independent

state ruled by its nationalist party, the Polisario Front, it was decided to divide it

between its two neighbouring states, Morocco and Mauritania

 

Figure: 4.4: African national independence. Featuring the dates of independence of each nation

Source: https://wakeup-world.com/2016/05/08/the-hidden-truths-of-africaneocolonialism-and-the-modern-age-of-slavery/

Table 1: The dates of independence of African countries

 

Source: Birmingham, D. (1995).

4.3.6 Case studies of steps to regain independence

•             Decolonisation of Ghana

The movement towards the independence of India in 1947 heralded the break-up

of the British Empire. Self-government for Africans could not be far behind. In British

West Africa the movement towards independence was led by the colony of Gold

Coast, soon to become the independent state of Ghana. In 1946 the British revised

the Gold Coast constitution, establishing an African majority in the Legislative

Council. Most of the African representatives, however, were nominated by the

country’s chiefs. Though committed to the development of African self-government,

the British still believed this could be done by the gradual reform of the existing

system of ‘indirect rule’. This excluded the small but influential body of educated

Africans who were determined to win a greater share in government.

In 1947 a number of prosperous businessmen and lawyers from Accra and other

coastal towns formed the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). They wanted the

revision of the 1946 constitution to increase the number of elected rather than

nominated African members of government. Kwame Nkrumah, a former teacher

from southern Gold Coast was invited to become secretary of the new party.

Nkrumah had recently returned from some years of higher education in the United

States, where he had been inspired by the ideas of the radical Pan-Africanist Marcus

Garvey. Nkrumah saw this as the chance to fulfil the aims of the Pan African Congress

of 1945 which he had attended in Manchester.

 

In February 1948 an event occurred in Accra which quickened the whole rhythm of

events. Police opened fire on a peaceful demonstration by African ex-servicemen

protesting at the rapidly rising cost of living. The shooting prompted widespread

rioting in Accra, Kumasi and other towns. The government suspected that UGCC

was behind the disturbances. Nkrumah and leading members of the party were

arrested and held in prison for several months. The extent of disturbances prompted

the British government into reviewing the constitution of 1946. This in turn

demonstrated to Nkrumah the power of mass action. Following his release from

prison, Nkrumah founded his own, more radical, Convention People’s Party (CPP).

He pursued a vigorous drive for widespread mass membership with the attractive

demand of immediate independence. He called for a campaign of ‘Positive Action’

in support of these demands and a wave of demonstrations and strikes swept the

country. Nkrumah was promptly re-arrested for subversion. His tactics, however,

proved successful.

 

The British revised the 1946 constitution, bringing in a larger, African dominated

Legislative Council. In elections held in 1951 the CPP won a clear majority and

Nkrumah was released from prison to become leader of government business in

parliament.

The 1951 constitution, however, still reserved half the parliamentary seats for chiefly

nominees. Nkrumah spent the next three years negotiating with the Governor, ArdenClarke, for a new constitution which brought fully-elected, internal self-government

to the territory in 1954. CPP won the new round of elections and Nkrumah became

prime minister.

Figure 4.5 : Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972), first Prime Minister and later President of Ghana

Source: http://www.maliweb.net.

 

Gold Coast became independent as the new state of Ghana in March 1957. Ghana

set the pattern for transition to independence in the rest of British West Africa.

Once Ghana had achieved her independence, Nkrumah focused on helping

other African countries to liberate themselves from colonial rule. He said “Our

independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the

African continent”. Ghana’s independence gave hope and encouragement to other

nationalist leaders involved in struggles to free their own nations.

Figure 4.6: Map of Gold Coast/Ghana

Source:http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v16/v16i1a2.

 

•             Decolonization of South Africa

The Union of South Africa, established on May 31, 1910, as a self-governing state

within the British Empire, legislatively restricted political and property rights to

whites at the expense of blacks. With the exception of a very small number of voters

in the Cape Province and Natal, Africans were kept off electoral roll throughout

most of the country.

 

Nationalist movements

Two nationalist movements emerged in the aftermath of the formation of the

Union, one racially and ethnically exclusivist, the other much more disparate in its

membership and aims; the Afrikaner nationalist movement, and the Black Nationalist

movement, led primarily by the African National Congress (ANC, formed in 1912).

Afrikaner nationalists spoke of themselves as a chosen people, ordained by God

to rule South Africa. They established their own cultural organisations and secret

societies, and they argued that South Africa should be ruled in the interests of

Afrikaners, rather than English businessmen or African workers. Throughout the

1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, the Afrikaner nationalist movement grew in popularity,

fuelled by fears of black competition for jobs, by antipathy toward the Englishspeaking mine magnates, by the memory of past suffering, and by the impact of

World War II (especially massive black urbanization).

 

The Black Nationalist movement had no such success. For most blacks, lack

of access to the vote meant that they could not organise an effective political

party. Instead they had to rely on appeals, deputations, and petitions to the British

government asking for equal treatment before the law. The British responded by

pointing out that South Africa was now self-governing and that the petitioners

had to make their case to the local white rulers. Although Africans, Asians, and

coloureds shared common grievances, they were not united in their organisations

or their aims. Physically separated and legally differentiated in practically every

aspect of their lives, they formed separate organisations to represent their interests.

Moreover, their leaders, with few exceptions, adopted accommodationist rather

than confrontational tactics in dealing with the state. Failing to gain any real

concessions from increasingly hard-line governments, none of the black political

movements succeeded in building a solid mass following. Even the ANC had a

membership of only a few thousand (out of an African population of about 8 million)

in 1948.

 

 

 

The ideology of apartheid and its demise

With the introduction of apartheid, the National Party (NP) extended and systematized

many of the features of entrenched racial discrimination into a state policy of white

supremacy. Every person resident in South Africa was legally assigned, largely on

the basis of appearance, to one racial group-white, African, coloured, or Asian. South

Africa was proclaimed to be a white man’s country in which members of other racial

groups would never receive full political rights. Africans were told that eventually

they would achieve political independence in perhaps nine or ten homelands,

carved out of the minuscule rural areas already allocated to them, areas that even

a government commission in the 1950s had deemed totally inadequate to support

the black population.

Figure 4.7: Racial segregation in South Africa

Source:http://www.rfksafilm.org/html/apartheid_cartoons.php

 

Coloureds and Asians, too, were to be excluded from South African politics. By

law, all races were to have separate living areas and separate amenities. Education

was to be provided according to the roles that people were expected to play in

society. In that regard, Hendrik F. Verwoerd, the leading ideologue of apartheid and

prime minister of South Africa from 1958 until his assassination in 1966, stated that

Africans would be “making a big mistake” if they thought that they would live an

adult life under a policy of equal rights.” According to Verwoerd, there was no place

for Africans “in the European community” (by which he meant South Africa) above

the level of certain forms of labour.

Figure 4.8: Hendrik Verwoed

Source:http://www.findagrave.com/memorial/8544069/hendrik-verwoerd

During the 1960s, the implementation of apartheid and the repression of internal

opposition continued despite growing world criticism of South Africa’s racially

discriminatory policies and police violence. Thousands of Africans, coloureds and

Asians (ultimately numbering about 3.5 million by the 1980s) were removed from

white areas into the land set aside for other racial groups. Some of these areas,

called black homelands, were ready for independence, even though they lacked

the physical cohesiveness. The ANC and the PAC, banned from operating within

South Africa, turned to violence in their struggle against apartheid-the former

organisation adopting a policy of bombing strategic targets such as police stations

and power plants, the latter engaging in a program of terror against African chiefs

and headmen, who were seen as collaborators with the government.

 

Verwoerd’s government crushed this internal opposition. Leaders of the ANC and

PAC within South Africa were tracked down, arrested, and charged with treason.

Nelson Mandela was sentenced in 1964 to imprisonment for life. Oliver Tambo had

already fled the country and led the ANC in exile.

 

 

Figure 4.9: South African nationalists who fought against Apartheid rule in South Africa

Source:http://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/History/South-Africa-history2.

In 1974 a revolutionary movement overthrew the Portuguese dictatorship in Lisbon,

and the former colonial territories of  Angola  and Mozambique  demanded

independence from Portugal. Their liberation movements-turned-Marxist

governments were committed to the eradication of colonialism and racial

discrimination throughout southern Africa. Following the 1980 independence

of Zimbabwe, a nation now led by a socialist government opposed to apartheid,

South Africa found itself surrounded by countries hostile to its policies and ready

to give refuge to the exiled forces of the ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC).

Internal and external opposition to apartheid was fuelled in 1976 when the Soweto

uprising began with the protests of high-school students against the enforced use

of Afrikaans. This language was viewed by many Africans as the oppressor’s medium

of communication.

 

The protests led to weeks of demonstrations, marches, and boycotts throughout

South Africa. Violent clashes with police left more than 500 people dead, several

thousand arrested, and thousands more seeking refuge outside South Africa, many

with the exiled forces of the ANC and the PAC.

Figure 4.10 : The Soweto Youth uprising, June 1976

Source:http://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/History/South-Africa-history2.

htm.

 

In the early 1980s, NP reformers struggled with the basic structure of apartheid.

Concerned about demographic trends, Prime Minister  Peter Willem Botha  led his

government in implementing a new constitutional arrangement. This constitution

embraced the concept of multiracial government but, at the same time, perpetuated

the concept of racial separation. The new constitution established three racially

segregated houses of parliament, for whites, Asians, and coloureds, but excluded

blacks from full citizenship. Botha and his allies hoped that such a change would

bolster NP support among coloureds and Asians, and thereby give the party enough

numerical strength to counter growing dissent.

 

The constitution implemented in 1984 only inflamed further opposition to

apartheid. It was denounced inside and outside South Africa as anachronistic and

reactionary. Opponents argued that by further institutionalizing the exclusion of the

majority black population, the new constitution only extended apartheid and did

not undercut it in any significant way.

 

Within South Africa, protests against apartheid far exceeded earlier levels of

opposition. In many black townships, police stations and other government buildings

were destroyed, along with the homes of black policemen and town councillors,

who were denounced as collaborators with the apartheid regime.

Newly legalised black trade unions took a leading role in the opposition, particularly

by organising strikes that combined economic and political complaints. The number

of work days lost to strikes soared to more than 5.8 million in 1987. Armed members

of the ANC and PAC infiltrated South Africa’s borders from their bases in Angola,

Mozambique, and Zimbabwe and carried out a campaign of urban terror. With

South Africa on the verge of civil war, the government imposed a series of states

of emergency, used the police and the army against opponents of apartheid, and

dispatched military forces on armed raids into neighbouring countries.

 

Although the government’s repressive actions strengthened state control in

the short term, they did not go as planned in the long run. Police repression and

brutality in South Africa and military adventures elsewhere in southern Africa, only

heightened South Africa’s pariah status in world politics. As events in the country

grabbed world headlines and politicians across the globe denounced apartheid,

the costs for South Africa of such widespread condemnation were difficult to bear.

Foreign investors withdrew; international banks called off their loans; the value of

South African currency collapsed; the price of gold decreased; economic output

declined; and inflation became chronic.

 

In the face of such developments, it was clear to most South African businessmen,

and to a majority of NP party leaders, that apartheid itself had to undergo substantial

reform if economic prosperity and political stability were to be regained. In 1989

a stroke precipitated Botha’s resignation, and he was succeeded by F. W. de Klerk,

formerly a hard-line supporter of apartheid.

 

Figure 4.11 : F.W. de Klerk

Source:http://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/History/South-Africa-history2.

htm

De Klerk moved faster and farther to reform apartheid than any Afrikaner politician

had done before him, although in many instances it seemed that events rather than

individuals were forcing the pace and scale of change. De Klerk released Nelson

Mandela from twenty-seven years of imprisonment in February 1990, and rescinded

the banning orders on the ANC, the PAC, the SACP, and other previously illegal

organisations.

 

With this achievement, from the end of 1991 onwards, government negotiators met

regularly with representatives from other political organisations to discuss ways in

which some form of democracy could be introduced and the remaining structures

of apartheid dismantled. People involved in the negotiations called their forum the

Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA).

 

The members of CODESA sped up the pace of negotiations and plans to implement

the interim constitution. South Africa was to have a federal system of regional

legislatures, equal voting rights regardless of race, and a bicameral legislature headed

by an executive president. The negotiators also agreed that the government elected

in 1994 would serve for five years, and that a constitutional convention, sitting from

1994 onwards and seeking input from all South Africans, would be responsible for

drawing up a final constitution to be implemented in 1999.

 

The election in April 1994 was viewed by most participants as a remarkable success.

Although several parties, especially the IFP, had threatened to boycott the election,

in the end no significant groups refused to participate. The ANC won nearly 62.6%

of the vote, but it did not get the two-thirds majority needed to change unilaterally

the interim constitution, and it therefore had to work with other parties to shape

the permanent constitution. The NP, as expected, no longer led the government,

but it did succeed in winning the second largest share of votes, with 20.4%. The IFP

did not do well nationally, but with a much stronger base of support in KwaZuluNatal than most commentators expected. It came in third, with 10.5 percent, and

won for Buthelezi control of the provincial government. The Freedom Front, a rightof-centre, almost exclusively white party led by former members of the security

establishment, got 2.2% of the votes; the PAC, appealing solely for the support

of blacks, won 1.2%. On May 9, 1994, Nelson Mandela was unanimously elected

president by the National Assembly, with Thabo Mbeki, deputy leader of the ANC

and Mandela’s likely successor, and F.W. de Klerk named deputy presidents. South

Africa had made a peaceful political transition from an apartheid police state to a

democratic republic.

 

The role of women in the struggle against Apartheid

 

As in most societies, there is no doubt that the top leadership in organisations in

southern Africa opposing apartheid  and racism has been held by men. However,

especially in South Africa, women have frequently been the ones to raise the primary

issues and to organise and involve the people around those issues.

In almost all cases, women were first brought into the struggle when they saw the

attempt by the Government to destroy their family structure and with it the basic

fabric of their respective societies.

 

Thus, in South Africa, women reacted most vigorously to the introduction of passes

in the 1950s and the consequent restrictions on families; to the mass killings of their

children two decades later in Soweto; and to the attempt to destroy urban family life

as epitomised by Crossroads.

 

In South Africa, women were very active in trade unions and women’s federations.

Participation in political parties was not meaningful since African voting rights were

virtually non-existent. The Black Consciousness Movement was a major activity

centre in the 1970s.

 

That the women have had a significant impact in southern Africa is beyond question.

Women have participated in ever-increasing numbers both within their countries

and in exile, always at risk to themselves and to the groups they represent. The level

of risk is reflected in the severity of government repression against women. In South

Africa, one can hardly think of a prominent organiser who has not been detained,

banned or imprisoned. By eliminating the leadership, the authorities destroyed the

Federation of South African Women. When this tactic did not work with the Black

Women’s Federation, it banned the entire group.

 

In South Africa, the women won the early anti-pass campaign; they achieved a

roll-back of bus fares and apparently saved Crossroads. They did not end “Bantu

education” and have had to accept passes even though they withstood the final

imposition for 11 years. However, in the light of all the odds against them in those

major campaigns, it would have to be concluded that, on balance, the women did

make an effective contribution to the struggle for liberation.

The women of southern Africa increasingly attracted the attention and solidarity of

women and men internationally. The importance of solidarity had been expressed

by Winnie Mandela:

 

Over the past fifteen years, when I was confined and restricted. I got my inspiration from

the very knowledge… that the struggle is an international struggle for the dignity of

man… just that knowledge alone that we belong to a family of man in a society where

we have been completely rejected by a minority this alone sustains you.

 

Mrs. Mandela also said:

It is only when all black groups join hands and speak with one voice that we shall be a

bargaining force which will decide its own destiny.…We know what we want.…We are

not asking for majority rule; it is our right, we shall have it at any cost. We are aware that

the road before us is uphill, but we shall fight to the bitter end for justice.

 

•             Decolonisation of Kenya

The road to independence began in the 1950s with the Mau Mau Rebellion. The

Mau Mau movement was a militant African nationalist group that opposed British

colonial rule and its exploitation of the native population. Mau Mau members, made

up primarily of Kikuyu (the largest ethnic group in Kenya), carried out violent attacks

against colonial leaders and white settlers.

 

In 1951, Kenyatta was arrested and imprisoned by the British for being a leading

light in the Mau Mau movement. With his detention Mau Mau expanded. In October

1952, the British declared a state of emergency, which continued until 1960. The

State of Emergency was in response to an increase in attacks on the property and

persons of white settlers, as well as African chiefs who were seen as collaborators.

During the state of emergency, a number of Mau Mau operatives, including Kenyatta

and Achieng Aneko were arrested and sentenced to seven years in prison.

 

The Mau Mau uprising also marked a turning point in the struggle for independence.

Kikuyu resistance to European colonisation was well established before the Second

World War. The Kikuyu Central Association was active in the 1930s under Jomo

Kenyatta  who campaigned energetically for the Kikuyu in Europe. There was also

an increase in oath taking. This was a ceremony, affirming loyalty to the Mau Mau

cause and war against the Europeans. About 2,000 Kikuyu were killed by Mau Mau

fighters for refusing to take the oath.

 

The number of original Mau Mau fighters was hugely increased by Kikuyu squatters

who were expelled from European land after 1952. The main military leaders were

Dedan Kimathi and Warihu Itote, also known as General China. Dedan Kimathi was

captured and executed in 1956. General China was eventually released.

Between 1952 and 1956, the British defeated the Mau Mau through a brutal campaign

of military action and widespread detention of the Kikuyu. However, the Mau Mau

Rebellion also persuaded the British that social, political and agrarian reforms were

necessary.

Figure 4.12: British soldiers guarding young Kenyans during Mau Mau uprising in Kenya

Source: www.globalblackhistory.com/wp-content.

In 1957, the British allowed for the first direct elections of native leaders to the

Legislative Council and by 1960, Africans were a majority in the council. Over the next

several years, the British worked with African and white settler leaders to plan the

country’s transition to independence. These conferences produced a constitution

in 1963 that provided for the creation of a bicameral legislature with elections held

that May.

 

The Kenya African National Union won majorities in both houses and selected its

leader, Kenyatta, who had been released from prison in 1961, to be the first prime

minister of the new nation. Kenyatta was not released until 1961 but the Kenyan

African National Union (KANU) had voted him as their President while he was still in

prison.

Figure 4.13 : Jomo Kenyatta

Source:www.globalblackhistory.com/wp-content

 

The other main party to emerge in the run up to independence was the Kenyan

African Democratic Union (KADU). In the event, KANU gained a majority in the

Legislative Assembly and Jomo Kenyatta led Kenya to independence on December

12, 1963.

 

•             Decolonisation of Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)

By 1959, the Congo (now DRC) was producing about 9% of the world’s copper, 6.5%

of the tin, 49% of the cobalt, 69% of the world’s industrial diamonds. 53 million

pounds worth of palm oil, cotton and coffee were exported from the country. By

this time, the Belgian government had little oversight over the colony’s affairs.

The colony was governed by a handful of Belgian officials, church leaders and

businessmen who were rarely inspected. However, it was the Africans who were

making this the wealthiest colony in Africa at the time. Every male was required to

provide sixty days of free labour to the state’s efforts.

Figure 4.14: Map of the Democratic Republic of Congo

Source: www.globalblackhistory.com/wp-content.

Nine days before the Belgians were set to announce reforms, violence broke out in

Leopoldville. The rioters looted and burned property and attacked Belgians. After

the riot cooled down, about 49 Congolese were dead and 241 had been wounded.

The administration announced reforms in 1959 and more natives would be allowed

in the advisory councils. By November of that year, about 120 parties had registered

to participate in the election, including Patrice Lumumba’s Mouvement National

Congolais (MNC) which promoted nationalism. However, the December elections

were boycotted in many parts of the country.

 

In May 1960 in a growing nationalist movement, Lumumba’s MNC won the most

number of seats: 33. The party formed a weak coalition with 12 other parties and at

the age of 35, Lumumba became the Congo’s first Prime Minister. The parliament

elected Joseph Kasavubu, of the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) party as President.

Other parties that emerged included the Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA) led by Antoine

Gizenga, and the Parti National du Peuple (PNP) led by Albert Delvaux and Laurent

Mbariko.

Figure 4.15. African nationalists who struggled for the independence of DRC

Source :www.globalblackhistory.com/wp-content.

 

The Belgian government convened a round table conference in January 1960 and

invited 96 Congolese delegates from 13 political groups. On January 27, 1960

Belgium agreed to declare independence for the Congo and on June 30, 1960, the

Congo became independent under the name “Republic of Congo’’or ‘‘Republic of

the Congo’ ‘(République du Congo).

 

Even during the Independence Day celebrations, King Baudouin of Belgium gave a

speech praising Belgian colonisers especially Leopold II. In response Lumumba gave

a nationalistic speech that described the humiliations the Congolese suffered under

Belgian rule. The Belgians were deeply insulted by the speech.

 

Barely a week after Independence, great discontent began simmering in the army

and the Africans demanded higher pay from Congolese leadership. On July 6, 1960,

Lumumba dismissed the Belgian leadership in the army and Victor Lundula was

appointed army commander while Joseph Mobutu was selected as Chief of Staff.

Mobutu had also been Lumumba’s private secretary.

Shortly after independence, the provinces of Katanga (led by Moise Tshombe) and

South Kasai engaged in secessionist struggles against the new leadership. Most

of the 100,000 Europeans who had remained behind after independence fled

the country, opening the way for Congolese to replace the European military and

administrative elite.

On September 5, 1960, Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba from office. Lumumba

declared Kasavubu’s action ‘‘unconstitutional “and a crisis between the two leaders

developed. Lumumba had previously appointed Joseph Mobutu chief of staff of the

new Congo army. Taking advantage of the leadership crisis between Kasavubu and

Lumumba, Mobutu garnered enough support within the army to create mutiny.

With financial support from the United States and Belgium, Mobutu paid his soldiers

privately. The aversion of Western powers to communism and leftist ideology

influenced their decision to finance Mobutu’s quest to maintain ‘‘order’’ in the new

state by neutralizing Kasavubu and Lumumba in a coup by proxy.

On January 17, 1961, Katangan forces and Belgian paratroops, supported by the

United States and Belgium’ s intent on copper and diamond mines in Katanga and

South Kasai, kidnapped and executed Patrice Lumumba.

The Katanga secession was ended in January 1963 with the assistance of UN forces.

Several short-lived governments, of Joseph Ileo, Cyrille Adoua, and Moise Tshombe,

took over in quick succession.

 

•             Decolonisation in Zambia (1944-1964)

The colonisation of modern day Zambia began in the 1890s, when the Lozi chief

Lewanika was obliged to sign a concession that gave the British South Africa

Company an excuse to invade their land. Upon obtaining this concession the British

South Africa Company began exploiting mining copper. In addition they sold land

to British farmers, sometimes for as little as 10 cents a hectare in order to encourage

more European settlers. However, in 1924 the British South Africa Company gave

up control over Northern Rhodesia. Thereafter, it was administered by the British

government.

 

The copper mines developed in what is now known as the Copper belt created

huge profits that were sent overseas. In order to develop an abundant workforce

for the mines, the colonial government would charge taxes and prevent the local

farmers from the ability to sell cattle and crops on the European market.

 

In addition, the colonial government created reserves where they placed all farmers

who had been removed from fertile land. Most of the reserves were overcrowded

and the locals could not produce enough to feed their families. As a result, local

farmers were forced to become low paid workers in the Copper belt in Zambia and

in the mines in South Africa.

 

In 1936, workers in the Copper belt went on strike to protest against low wages and

brutal work conditions. However, the colonialists retaliated and killed 17 strikers and

wounded 70. As a result of this incident, workers in the Copper belt formed a union

called the African Mine Workers Union. This union was responsible for organising

strikes in 1952 and 1955 which led to an increase in wages.

 

However, due to growing discontent over the colonial system of government,

nationalistic movements began to emerge. The Northern Rhodesian African Congress

(NRAC) demanded an end to racial discrimination and more rights for educated

Africans. This party was formed by mostly missionary educated middle class who

were not concerned by the plight of the farmers or miners. Thereafter, in 1951 white

settlers proposed the formation of a federation of Northern and Southern Rhodesia

and Nyasaland. After this idea, the NRAC changed its name to the African National

Congress (ANC) and elected Harry Nkumbula as its leader. All nationalists in the

three countries opposed the plan of federation because they viewed it as another

way for white settlers to cement their power over natives. Despite this opposition,

the federation was formed in 1953.

Figure 4.15 : Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland
Source:www.globalblackhistory.com

The federation benefited mostly Southern Rhodesia and mine owners but it inspired

the ANC in Northern Rhodesia workers unions to organise strikes and boycotts of

white owned stores and government agencies. To appease this growing discontent,

the white settlers offered preferential treatment to educated middle class Africans

by offering them better access to jobs. This led to disunity among the nationalists.

Leaders like Nkumbula were more willing to concede to the compromise which led

to the formation of the Zambia African National Congress (ZANC) with Kenneth

Kaunda as President and Simon Kapwepwe as Treasurer-General.

Figure 4.16:African nationalists who struggled for the independence of Zambia

Source:www.globalblackhistory.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/10.

 

Zambian nationalism suffered from lack of educated leadership in the early years

because the colonial government neglected African education (Munali  School,

which provided secondary education, was only founded in 1939). Because of this,

Europeans dominated politics in Northern Rhodesia until the late 1940s.

 

After the riots in Nyasaland, ZANC was banned and its leaders arrested which led

to the arrest of more than 100 Africans. From the ZANC emerged another party

called the United National Independence Party (UNIP). Kenneth Kaunda assumed

leadership of UNIP upon his release from prison. UNIP demanded majority African

rule, one person one vote, equal work for equal pay and peaceful means to achieving

these demands. Their demands attracted the support of workers and African

farmers. The desire for peaceful protests was often thwarted in the rural areas where

bridges and buses were attacked.

 

The  Monckton Commission was appointed to review the  federation. African

nationalists in Northern Rhodesia  and Nyasaland boycotted it. The growing

discontent among Africans led to the dissolution of the federation. Conferences and

negotiations from 1960 through 1963 would lead the formal dissolution of the

federation  on December 31, 1963. There after, Kaunda and Nkumbula agreed to

work together for the sake of achieving independence in Zambia.

 

On 24 October, 1964 Northern Rhodesia (now known as Zambia) gained

independence from Britain.   Kenneth Kaunda, the country’s first president,

proclaimed one-party rule at independence. Their independence came four years

after the famous speech The winds of change by British Prime Minister Harold

Macmillan.

The country’s independence came ten months after the collapse of the Federation

of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, with Northern Rhodesia becoming the Republic of

Zambia.

 

•             Independence of Algeria

In Algeria the French were determined not to grant independence. Algeria was

France’s principal colony of white settlement, there being as many as two million

French settlers in the country by 1945. The whites exported most of the crops they

produced and also used some of the land to grow vines for wine-making. This made

less food available for the growing African population whose standard of living was

clearly falling. There was an active, though peaceful, nationalist movement led by

Messali Hadj, but after almost ten years of campaigning following the end of Second

World War, they had achieved absolutely nothing.

 

Reforms offered by the French government in 1946-47 were no longer enough.

Increasing number of Algerians became committed to the need for an all-out war

of liberation. In November 1954 the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) led by Ben

Bella launched the war. The FLN found the base of support in the isolated regions of

the Aures Mountains. The war gradually escalated as the French sent more troops. By

1960 they had 700.000 troops engaged in a massive anti terrorist operation. It was

a long and bitter struggle. Thousands of French troops were killed and they in turn

killed literally hundreds of thousands of Algerians, accused of helping the guerrillas.

Figure 4.18: National Liberation Front leaders

Source: https://www.thenation.com/wp content/uploads/2015/09/FLN_algerian_

war_cc_img.jpg.

 

 

 

In 1958 the war caused the downfall of the French government and brought an end

to the Fourth Republic which had been in existence since France was liberated in

1944. Suspecting that the government was about to give way as it had in Tunisia and

Morocco, some army officers organised demonstrations in Algeria and demanded

that General De Gaulle should be called in to head a new government. They

were convinced that the general, a great patriot, would never agree to Algerian

independence. Civil war seemed imminent so the government could see no way

out of the deadlock and consequently resigned. President Coty called upon De

Gaulle, who agreed to become Prime Minister on condition that he could draw up

a new constitution. This turned out to be the end of the Fourth Republic in France.

 

De Gaulle soon produced his new constitution giving the President too much power,

and was elected President of the Fifth Republic in 1958, a position which he held

until his resignation in 1969.

 

Fighting continued and it was not long before De Gaulle decided that military

victory was out of the question. When he showed a willingness to negotiate with

FLN, the army and the settlers were incensed because it was not what they had

expected from him. Led by Salan, they set up l’Organisation de l’Armée Secrète

(OAS), which began a terrorist campaign, blowing up buildings and murdering

critics both in Algeria and France. They even attempted to assassinate De Gaulle

and seized power in Algeria. This was going too far for most French people and for

many of the army too. When De Gaulle denounced the OAS, the rebellion collapsed.

The French public was sick of the war and there was widespread approval when

Ben Bella, who had been in prison since 1956, was released to attend peace talks at

Evian. Algeria should become independent in July 1962, and Ben Bella was elected

first President the following year. About 800.000 settlers left the country and the

new government took over most of their land and businesses.

 

Application activity 4.3

1. With Kenya, South Africa, Ghana, Congo or Zambia, Algeria as case studies

analyse how African nationalism was indispensable and contributed to African

countries to regain independence.

2. Source A

We, women, will never carry these passes. This is something that touches my heart.

I appeal to you young Africans to come forward and fight. These passes make the

road even narrower for us. We have seen unemployment, lack of accommodation

and families broken because of passes. We have seen it with our men. Who will

look after our children when we go to jail for a small technical offence — not

having a pass?”, declared Dora Tamana, a member of the ANC Women’s League

and a founding member of the Federation of South African Women.

a. According to the source, what were some of the challenges facing black South

Africans?

b. Did women stay passive in that situation with reference to the subsection on

South African and the above quote? Explain.

3. Is there any difference between apartheid and segregation? If you are not sure,

use internet to respond to the question.

4.3.7 Consequences of African nationalism

Activity 4.4

In your point of view, do you think that African nationalism has an impact on

your today’s society? Explain your argument.

 

African nationalism had effects as it won present political freedom for Africa and

reversed the African tragedy and humiliation that was arranged at the Berlin

Conference.

It brought about the Organization of African Unity and the African Union. Its

spirit led to assisting African Liberation Movements of Southern Africa against

colonialism.

African nationalism affirmed the worth of black people and therefore rejected the

inferiority ascribed by racist thought in the late 19th and 20th centuries. It helped

to launch the struggle for rights and equality for black people in the Diaspora;

although there were advocates of a return migration to Africa, eventually and

especially after 1945, black people in the Diaspora focused on their rights and justice

where they lived.

 

In Africa, African nationalism asserted the right of independence for Africans“Africa

for the Africans.” In addition the slogan contributed to the rise of African nationalism

in at least 3 ways:

 

•             early in the century, for the newly emerging African elite, it was a source of

ideas and contacts, especially for students studying abroad;

•             it helped to provide an ideology of unity in the process of mass mobilisation of

Africans for the independence struggles;

•             it also helped to build a constituency in Europe and North America which was

sympathetic to and supportive of independence for Africa and this came to

form important “public opinion” in the 1950s and 60s.

 

African nationalism held out a lofty ideal for the future of independent Africa.

Through Pan-Africanism, it was hoped that Africa could avoid the terrible mistakes

of Europe. By emphasizing the unity of all African peoples and shared goals and

ideals, it was hoped that nationalism would be a positive influence while avoiding

the negative features (xenophobia, narrow parochialism, aggressive expansionism,

etc.) which had caused so much bloodshed and horror elsewhere.

 

African nationalism played a role in history after independence by unifying nations

with diverse groups and gave all its citizens a sense of belonging. It bound people

living in one nation together even if they did not have a common background. Due

to this unity when opportunities were given to all people, the latter felt proud of

their country and stood together in times of hardship such as economic recession

or natural disaster.

 

Application activity 4.4

1. Discuss the consequences of African nationalism to Africans

2. Explain the role of Kwame Nkrumah in the expansion of nationalism in

Africa.

3. Can we claim that apartheid contributed to the development of South

Africa? Support your argument.

 

 

End Unit assessment

1. Write down a one page text explaining the rise and expansion of

nationalism in Africa.

2. Discuss the relationship between African nationalism and PanAfricanism

3. Explain why European colonisation came to the end in Africa.

4. Analyze the impact of African nationalism.

5. Compare and contrast the process to independence for Algeria

and Ghana. Use the internet or the school library for getting more

information.

 

 

GLOSSARY

Amenity: Pleasantness resulting from agreeable conditions

Anachronistic: Chronologically misplaced

Aversion: A feeling of intense dislike

Awaken: Cause to become awake or conscious or aware

Banish: Expel from a community or group

Barely: Only a very short time before

Bloodshed: The shedding of blood resulting in murder

Capitalism: An economic system based on private ownership of capital

Commonwealth: An association of nations consisting of the United Kingdom and

several former British colonies that are now sovereign states but still pay allegiance

to the British Crown

Communism: A form of socialism that abolishes private ownership or a political

theory favouring collectivism in a classless society

Concession: The act of conceding (=Be willing to admit or forced to agree)

Dominion: One of the self-governing nations in the British Commonwealth

Electoral roll: A list of all those people who are registered to vote in a particular area

Epitomise: Embody the essential characteristics of or be a typical example of

Frustrate: Hinder or prevent (the efforts, plans, or desires) of or deprive of courage

or hope; take away hope from; cause to feel discouraged

Fuel: Provide with a combustible substance that provides energy or Stimulate

Inadvertently: Without knowledge or intention

Incur: Make oneself subject to; bring upon oneself; become liable to

Inflame: Cause to start burning

Likelihood: The probability of a specified outcome

Magnate: A very wealthy or powerful businessman

Odds: The likelihood of a thing occurring rather than not occurring Handful: A small

number or amount or The quantity that can be held in the hand

Ordain: Order by virtue of superior authority; decree or Issue an order

Outspoken: Given to expressing yourself freely or insistently or characterized by

directness in manner or speech; without subtlety or evasion

Pariah: A person who is rejected (from society or home)

Parochialism: A limitation of views or interests like that defined by a local parish

Pivotal: Being of crucial importance

 

 

Recession: The state of the economy declines; a widespread decline in the GDP and

employment and trade lasting from six months to a year

Rescind: Cancel officially

Reverse: Change to the contrary

Rollback: The reducing prices back to some earlier level

Secessionist: An advocate of secessionism(=A doctrine that maintains the right of

secession=Formal separation from an alliance or federation)

Simmer: (cooking) boil slowly at low temperature

Slice: Cut into slices(=a share of something)

Soar: Rise rapidly

Subdue: Put down by force or intimidation

Verge: The limit beyond which something happens or changes eg. “on the verge of

tears”