History

Introduction

In the post-colonial period, the government of Rwanda was led by two republics

which successively replaced one another. The first was led by Grégoire Kayibanda

whereas Major General Juvénal Habyarimana was the head chief of the second

one. The two regimes had the common feature of poor governance, the main

root of the 1990 Liberation War. This war fought by Rwanda Patriotic Front against

the Habyarimana’s regime had had very negative effects such as loss of lives and

destruction of properties, decline of the Rwandan economy, displacement and exile

of many people,etc. When this armed conflict was about to be peacefully settled, the

peace process was however broken by the former Government of Rwanda which

prepared and implemented the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. The genocide was

stopped by the RPF troops and this action simultaneously marked the end of the

Liberation War.

In the after math of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, the country of Rwanda

faced a number of challenges including lack of shelter for refugees and other

vulnerable people, a broken judicial system, suspicion and mistrust among the

Rwandan population, political and administrative vacuum, problems of insecurity,

economic challenges, etc. The Government of National Unity set up in July 1994

tirelessly strived to take different strategies so as to find appropriate remedies

to these challenges. In so doing, security was safeguarded and unity and

reconciliation were strengthened. Besides, the rule of law was established and the

democratisation process was emphasised. Many other actions were also initiated

such as the implementation of decentralisation, politico-administrative reforms

and fight against injustice, reconstruction of the national economy through

the planning, human resource development, privatisation of the government

enterprises, construction of infrastructures such as roads, water, electricity,

promotion of education, health and gender equality, environment protection,

assistance to the most vulnerable people and promotion of agriculture and animal

husbandry.

Key unit competence

Assess the causes, course and consequences of the Liberation War (1990-1994),

the achievements and challenges of the Government of Rwanda after the Genocide

against the Tutsi.

Learning outcomes

At the end of this unit, I should be able to:

• Explain the causes, course and effects of the Liberation War;

• Propose some solutions to Rwanda’s problems after the Genocide against

the Tutsi.

Introductory activity

“A world congress of Rwandese refugees had been held in Washington DC in

August 1988 and it had passed very strong resolutions about the ‘Right of Return’;

these had been transmitted to the Rwandese government which had remained

undaunted, as usual in such cases” (Prunier, 1995).

a. What do you think about the above statement?

b. Do you think that the refugee problem was at the origin of the Liberation

War?

Explain your statement.

1.1 The causes of the Liberation War (1990-1994)

Activity 1

Explain in not more than ten lines different causes of the Liberation War (1990-

1994). 

1.1.1 The long exile

The first group of refugees fled Rwanda since 1959 after the unrest period marked

by violence and massacres of the members of the political party Union Nationale

Rwandaise (UNAR). The violence against the Tutsi was committed by some leaders

of the Parti du Mouvement de l’Emancipation Hutu (PARMEHUTU) supported by

Belgian authorities. The resistance organised by refugees’ groups called Inyenzi and

their efforts to return home were in vain. Consequently refugees were desperate

and lost hope to one day recover their dignity as Rwandans. In exile, refugees had

different living conditions. Some of them acquired academic skills. But, in general,

those living in refugee camps and single young adults struggled to get a better life.

Such bad living conditions coupled with lack of employment and good education

in hosting countries pushed them to think of a solution to return home. Those in

Uganda were affected by political repression which occurred after the fall of the

President Idi Amin Dada (1970-1979). A series of organisations were created by

refugees with first the purpose of helping the victims of the mentioned violence

and also with the aim of returning to Rwanda.

Among the institutions set up as vehicles to address the challenges of education

were the Rwandese Refugees Welfare Foundation (RRWF) in Uganda and College

Saint Albert in Kivu transferred to Bujumbura. Later these institutions provided a

large number of leaders to political movement like Rwandese Alliance of National

Unity (RANU), created in Nairobi in June 1979.

1.1.2 The refusal of return for Rwandan refugees

From 1959, the Tutsi never run away from democracy as PARMEHUTU propagandists

used to say, but they did so because they had to save their lives. Generally, they

run towards church missions, schools and other places considered as safe to protect

them from danger. Others decided to leave the country as soon as possible to look

for asylum in neighbouring countries.

Although the Government of Rwanda had since 1964 requested that refugees

be settled in their countries of asylum, it did almost nothing to help them. On

the contrary, its policy consisted of making life for refugees very difficult in those

countries. The Rwandan embassies watched refugees closely in their countries of

asylum.

In 1973, the Second Republic put in place a joint ministerial commission between

Rwanda and Uganda for the repatriation of Rwandan refugees living in Uganda. The

refugees had to express in writing their desire to return home. The request had to be

addressed to the country of origin through the High Commission for Refugees and

the hosting governments. Any refugee whose request was rejected stayed in the

country of exile or looked for another hosting country. 

Only few refugees managed to return to Rwanda after facing many challenges

created by security agents. It was the Préfet’s prerogative to issue him or her a

provisional identity card and where to settle. The returnee could not leave his or

her commune without a prior authorisation of the Préfet. A monthly report on the

returnees was sent to the minister of local affairs and the Minister of Defence and

Police because they were suspected of spying for refugees.

In addition to this suspicion and hindrances to return to Rwanda, Tutsi who had

stayed in the country faced a range of challenges. For instance, those who were

displaced during the 1959 violence could not recuperate their properties. Most of

the time, their properties were illegally taken by bourgmestres and their friends

and this is why they were a source of trials. In 1966, President Kayibanda prevented

refugees to claim their properties. In 1975, President Habyarimana put in place a

decree stating that Tutsi refugees’ assets should become public properties. This

decision was due to the refusal of political leaders who did not want to return the

land to its owners. 

                     Figure 1.1: Refugees aspiring to return home

Until 1990, the political class did not consider refugees as Rwandans. The

Government complicated their return and destabilised them where they were living

in refugee camps. It was the protocol on refugees signed in 1993 during the Arusha

negotiations between the then Rwandan regime and the RPF that recognized 

refugees’ rights. Despite the refugees’ challenges, some of them continued to have

good relationship with their former friends who had stayed in Rwanda.

1.1.3 The regionalism and ethnic based divisionism

Both the First (1962-1973) and the Second (1973-1994) Republics maintained and

institutionalised “ethnic” labels (Hutu, Tutsi, Twa) in identity cards and the quota

system. As a result, ethnic, regional and gender equilibrium had to be respected

in different sectors such as administration, enrolment in secondary and tertiary

schools and in the army.

Day after day, the dictatorship led Kayibanda’s regime to trust few people. Thus, since

the late 1960s the power was in the hands of few people from some communes

of Gitarama. The same situation was observed under the Second Republic where

again few people from some parts of the former Ruhengeri and Gisenyi préfectures

occupied key positions in the country. As far as the political plan was concerned,

both Republics were characterized by identity based ideology.

During the First and Second republics, hatred against the Tutsi was reinforced. Every

political crisis was blamed on Tutsi who were treated as scapegoats. This case was

raised when refugees’ troops called Inyenzi attacked Rwanda in 1963 and later

before the 1973 Habyarimana’s coup d’Etat.

1.1.4 The intimidation and killing of opponents

The Second republic did not accept and tolerate any opposition. Any person who

tried to oppose it was jailed. Even if political assassinations were not frequent

they existed. For instance, the deaths of the former Chief Editor of Kinyamateka

newspaper, Father Sylvio Sindambiwe and Felicula Nyiramutarambirwa, former

member of the Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Développement

(MRND) Central Committee are believed to have been planned by the regime.

1.1.5 The increase of dictatorship in Rwanda

During the Second Republic, only a single political party (MRND) was allowed to

operate as it was stipulated by the 1978 constitution. In practice, the powers were

concentrated in the hands of a small group of people from the President’s family and

his family in-law called Akazu. No single important decision could be made without

prior approval of the President and his MRND.

Application activities

1. Show how the First and Second Republics imposed difficult conditions

for individual repatriation of the Rwandan refugees.

2. Discuss how the long exile of the Rwandan refugees contributed to the

outbreak of the Liberation War (1990-1994).

3. To what extent did the ‘‘ethnic’’ and “regional” divisions contributed to

the outbreak of the Liberation War?

4. Carry out a short interview with a returnee from exile in your village. Ask

him or her about their living conditions while in exile. There after write

down a simple one page report about your findings.

1.2.The course of the Liberation War (1990-1994)

Activity 1.2

By searching on internet or in your school library, write a short text of not more

than 150 words explaining the course of the Liberation War (1990-1994).

1.2.1 The foundation of the RANU and birth of the RPF Inkotanyi

Many Rwandan refugees had lost hope and were reluctant to join any political

organisation due to the past failures of the early attempts to return to their home

country, spearheaded by Inyenzi. Later on, refugees in Nairobi founded the RANU in

1979.

RANU objectives

RANU aimed at:

• Fighting against ethnic divisions and the ideology of divisionism by the

Habyarimana regime

• Fighting against grabbing Rwanda’s wealth by a small group of people

• Instilling into the Rwandans a sense of consciousness as far as their rights were

concerned…

• Finding an appropriate solution to the refugee problem

• Fighting the Habyarimana dictatorial regime

• Uniting all Rwandans including those living inside the country and in the

Diaspora in order to restore national unity.

The main organs of RANU were the Congress that met after every two years, the

General Assembly that held annual meetings and regional committees from local,

regional and central levels. During RANU’s recruitments, members had to take an

oath (kurahira). RANU operated on democratic principles i.e. decisions were taken

by the majority. The organs of expression and mobilisation were: Alliance which

was replaced by Vanguard in 1987. It was published at Kampala in English. Later on,

another newspaper, called Inkotanyi was also created in 1989 in order to mobilise

Kinyarwanda speaking readers. In 1990 with the Liberation War (1990-1994), the

Vanguard disappeared and Inkotanyi relocated to Burundi and took the name of

Huguka.

RANU insisted very much on the involvement of individuals and rejected any

attempt to integrate groups. Apart from undertaking to mobilise the Rwandans,

RANU was involved in a discrete action towards some embassies first, and then

sending petitions to the Organisation for African Unity (OAU). It intended to attract

the attention of the international community to the problem of the Rwandan

refugees who, except for being mentioned in different circumstances, were

practically forgotten. These efforts were relatively mitigated as far as concrete aid

was concerned. But on the other hand, they were very important because these

contacts allowed better understanding of the reasons for the beginning of the war

launched on October 1, 1990.

On December 26, 1987, a congress of RANU representatives met in Kampala

(Uganda) and decided to replace RANU with the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF)

under the influence of Rwandans who had joined the National Resistance Army

(NRA) in Uganda. The RPF Inkotanyi was led by a charismatic leader Major General

Fred Gisa Rwigema.

Eight points programme of RPF

1. Restoration of unity among Rwandans.

2. Defending the sovereignty of the country and ensure the security of

people and property.

3. Establishment of democratic leadership.

4. Promoting the economy based on the country’s natural resources.

5. Elimination of corruption, favouritism and embezzlement of national

resources.

6. Promoting social welfare.

7. Eliminating all causes for fleeing the country and returning Rwandan

refugees back into the country.

8. Promoting international relations based on mutual respect, cooperation

and mutually beneficial economic exchange.

1.2.2 The military option

At the outset, RANU mainly targeted Rwandan intellectuals living in the Diaspora

and inside Rwanda. RANU statute included a principle called Option Zero aiming

at liberating Rwanda by force. But RANU could not achieve this objective because it

was composed of intellectuals without a military wing. In the meanwhile, Rwandan

refugees benefited from Ugandan crisis of the 1980s. Three young Rwandans

namely Fred Gisa Rwigema, Paul Kagame and Sam Byaruhanga joined Yoweri

Kaguta Museveni’s guerrilla with an idea of using a military option to liberate

Rwanda. Due to the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking people living in Uganda

and their expulsion by Milton Obote’s regime in the 1980s, other young Rwandans

decided to join the Museveni’s guerrilla war in order to acquire experience that

would help them to wage an armed struggle to force their return to Rwanda. The

guerrilla war and Museveni’s final victory constituted the essential turning point in

the life of the movement

1.2.3 The beginning of the Liberation War

After benefiting from their participation in the NRA guerilla warfare and the victory

achieved by the latter,the Rwandan military officers observed the structures of the

Ugandan army, which they later used to recruit and train a number of Rwandan

soldiers. When the war started in 1990, the RPF could count on about 3,000 well

trained soldiers of various grades. The Liberation War was launched by RPF Inkotanyi

and its armed wing, the Rwandese Patriotic Army on October 1, 1990 led by late

Major General Fred Gisa Rwigema. This army was composed of not only male but

also female combatants.

The RPF first launched an attack in Umutara at the beginning of October, 1990;

but this attack was not successful because of the death of Late Major General Fred

Rwigema on October 2, 1990. After being pushed from Umutara, the RPF resorted to

using guerrilla tactics in the northern region of Rwanda. 

The then government alleged that it was surprised by that attack, even when the

ordinary people were aware of an imminent attack by refugees. The discriminative

ideology against the Tutsi reappeared in speeches and the national media. The

subject of discussion was that RPF was a reincarnation of the Inyenzi of the 1960s

and that it was made up of Tutsi feudal monarchists who did not accept the “1959

Hutu revolution”.

The RPF raid also allowed the Habyarimana regime to launch a vast operation to

eliminate the political opposition after gunshot fire in Kigali in the night of October

4-5, 1990. The regime made people to believe that it was an attempt by the rebels to

attack the capital whereas it was a false attack meant to allow a presidential move to

justify a massive cleansing operation against the Tutsi and other opponents of the

regime. Between 7,000 and 10,000 people were arrested and imprisoned arbitrarily.

Large scale massacres took place throughout the country, especially in Kibiriria,

Mutara, Mukingo, Murambi and Bugesera where Tutsi were molested, imprisoned

or killed together with those who dared to criticize the regime. They were called

ibyitso, traitors or accomplices.

1.2.4 Attack on Ruhengeri (January 1991)

On the morning of January 23, 1991, the RPA attacked the Town of Ruhengeri. The

Rwandan forces in the area were taken by surprise and were mostly unable to defend

themselves against the invasion. One of the principal RPA targets in Ruhengeri was

Ruhengeri prison. The RPA stormed the buildings, and the prisoners were rescued

and several of them were recruited into the RPA. Some political prisoners such as

Théoneste Lizinde, Stanislas Biseruka and Brother Jean Damascène Ndayambaje

were also released from prison.

1.2.5 Extension of guerrilla war (1991-1992)

Following the attack on Ruhengeri, the RPA began to carry out a classic hit-and

run a guerrilla war tactic. The RPA attacked the Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR)

repeatedly and frequently and made some territorial gains composed of a small

territory alongside the border. The conquered territory was extended following

other gains until the setting up of Ruhengeri, Mutara and Byumba fronts. In 1992,

RPF/RPA headquarters was set up at Mulindi in the then Byumba préfecture.

1.2.6 Peace process (1991-1993)

A series of meetings were held in order to find a solution to the war between the

RPF and the then government. At the beginning, RPF was not accepted at the table

of negotiations. The first meeting was held at Mwanza in Tanzania on October

17, 1990, in this meeting, the Government of Rwanda accepted a dialogue with

internal and external opposition. However, this was not immediately respected by

the Government. Other meetings were also held at Gbadolite on October 26, 1990;

Zanzibar on February 17, 1991 and Dar-es-Salaam on February 19, 1991. 

In all these negotiations, RPF was not directly negotiating with the Government of

Rwanda. For the first time, RPF directly negotiated with the Government of Rwanda

at N’sele on March 25, 1991. The RPF and the then Government of Rwanda signed

the N’sele Cease-fire Agreement and a political settlement which provided for,

among other things, cessation of hostilities, withdrawal of foreign troops, exchange

of prisoners of war and finally, serious political negotiations to end the conflict.

This agreement remained a dead settlement because soonafter the Government of

Rwanda and RPF accused each other of violating the cease-fire.

Military pressure from RPF, pressure from the international community and internal

opposition led to a serious peace process negotiations. In June 1992, the Arusha

peace negotiations started. Peace talks pursued at a very high level in the region,

drawing in heads of state and foreign ministers.

The core negotiations on a future peace agreement had participants and observers

from five African states: Burundi, Zaïre, Senegal, Uganda and Tanzania; four Western

countries: France, Belgium, Germany and the USA with the presence of the OAU

delegates. The United Nations Organisation (UNO) was brought in at the intervention

of the OAU and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)

attended as observers. Britain, Canada, the Netherlands and European Union closely

monitored the process from their local embassies. Nigeria was represented at the

Arusha- linked Joint Political Military Committee.

The Arusha process represented a multi-prolonged strategy of conflict resolution.

The preliminary phase was designed to obtain a cease-fire. In July 12, 1992, a

cease-fire was decided between RPF and the then government. OAU force known

as Neutral Military Group of Observers (GOMN: Groupe d’Observateurs Militaires

Neutres) was put in place to observe the cease-fire. 

Figure 1.4: The Arusha International Conference Centre :Venue for peace talks to end the war.

Source:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arusha-international-conference-centre#/

media/File:AICC-Arusha.jpg

During the negotiations process, the then regime did its best to make the country

ungovernable. In this regard, Rwanda experienced massacres of Tutsi and moderate

Hutu. Moreover, insecurity affected some public places due to some attacks by

means of grenades. In the same manner, a divisive propaganda aimed at uniting

the Hutu was intensified and the Coalition pour la Défense de la République (CDR)

was created and utilised to block the Arusha peace process. Due to this violence

and insecurity the RPF Inkotanyi launched an attack on February 8, 1993. In fact, the

RPF was nearing the gates of the capital, Kigali, because they had reached Tumba

commune. But soon after, due to the international pressure to resume negotiations,

the RPF returned to its positions before February 8, 1993. 

Figure 1.5: RPA offensive, February 1993

Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_civil_War#/media/file:Rwanda

TerritoryAfterFebruary 1993.png

The Arusha Peace Agreement was preceded by the signing of the agreement on a

new cease-fire, as well as parties agreeing on the following principles:

• That there was neither democracy nor the practice of the rule of law in

Rwanda;

• That a broad-based government of national unity, including parties of

different political persuasions was necessary to oversee the transition to

democracy;

• That the FAR was not national in character and that it was necessary to set up a

truly national army from among members of the two existing armies;

• The Rwandan refugees had a legitimate inalienable right to return home. 

The agreement was structured around five pillars:

• The establishment of the rule of law;

• Power-sharing;

• Repatriation and resettlement of refugees and internally displaced people;

• The integration of armed forces;

• Other miscellaneous provisions. 

Figure 1.6: The delegates of the Republic of Rwanda during the signing of Arusha Peace agreements on August 4, 1993

Source: RPF Archives.

Figure 1.7: The delegates of RPF during the signing of Arusha Peace Accord on August 4, 1993 (Major

General Paul Kagame on the left and RPF Chairperson Alexis Kanyarengwe on the right)

Source: RPF Archives

The Arusha Peace Agreement was supposed to have been implemented within 37

days, beginning with the establishment of the institutions of the presidency, the

cabinet and the National Assembly. This Agreement was not implemented, however

its principal provisions now constitute the Fundamental Law of the Republic of

Rwanda.

After the signing of Arusha Agreement in December 1993, the French military

detachment that was in Rwanda left and a UN intervention force arrived. The UN

peacekeeping force was known as United Nations Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR).

Its mission was to supervise the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement of

August 4, 1993.

On December 28, 1993, 600 soldiers of the third battalion of RPF arrived at the

Centre National de Développement (CND) and had a mission to ensure security of

the RPF future ministers and members of the Parliament in the new Broad-based

Transitional Government.

On January 5, 1994, President Habyarimana was sworn in as President in accordance

with the Arusha Peace Agreement, but blocked the swearing in of other members of

the Broad-based Transitional Government.

On April 6, 1994 at 20:30, the Presidential airplane, the mystère Falcon 50 from

 Dar-es-Salaam was hit by two missiles and Presidents Habyarimana of Rwanda and

Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi were killed. The long-planned Genocide against

the Tutsi immediately started and boycotted the implementation of Arusha Peace

Agreement and other peaceful ways.

1.2.7 The involvement of foreign countries in the Liberation War (1990-1994)

Uganda which was considered as an aggressor or unwavering supporter of RPF

rejected these accusations. It especially avoided verbal and military provocations

on Kigali. It made so many gestures of good will by responding to initiatives of

mediation. Uganda also accepted the UN mission of military observers at its border

with Rwanda. It received a mission of the European Parliament whose conclusions

exonerated Uganda from all accusations made against it by Rwanda. During the

entire period of the war, Museveni’s attitude remained unclear. On the occasion of

the 10th anniversary of the Genocide, President Museveni declared that despite

controls of the international community, Uganda intervened on the side of RPF in

order to stop the Genocide.

Zaïre immediately sent soldiers to help the Kigali regime. For unclear reasons, the

Zaïrian army did not stay in Kigali for long. The Zaïrian soldiers who were arrested

were among those who portrayed a very positive image of RPF after their release.

They referred to RPA as an army that was convinced about the cause it was

defending, much disciplined and very organised. The commander of the Zaïrian

contingent hailed the RPF continuously because even when he was in the enemy

camp, he was treated with all honours due to his military rank. It seems that the

information made President Mobutu to have a different view of RPF.

Belgium sent to Rwanda a contingent with a mission of repatriating its citizens who

wished to leave the country. Their stay in Rwanda aroused vibrant debates which

led to their departure at the end of October 1990. But on the other hand, Belgium

sent several high level missions which made sensible suggestions which disturbed

the Kigali regime. According to Belgium, overcoming the crisis depended on the

Rwandans themselves and mediation efforts had to be entrusted with Rwanda’s

neighbours and the OAU, supported by the international community. In the end,

it was that approach that was pursued. 

France was at the beginning of the conflict requested by President Habyarimana

to help a French-speaking country that had been attacked by a foreign country

supported by English-speaking countries. France sent a contingent to Rwanda

named Opération Noroit whose numerical strength was difficult to estimate. The

contingent stayed officially in Rwanda until December 1993. It was an additional

military force intended to back up French soldiers who were already in Rwanda

in the name of military cooperation. 

Figure 1.8: The French troops deployed in Rwanda during Opération Turquoise

Source: © Hocine Zaourar, AFP (archives). Militaires français déployés au Rwanda, en

1994, dans le cadre de l’opération Turquoise

The French military agents stayed in Rwanda until the beginning of the Genocide.

Moreover, the French government sent again her troops in Rwanda through

Opération Turquoise. Then from June 23 up to August 1994, the French government

established a humanitarian zone, known as Zone Turquoise in western part of

Rwanda. It covered ancient prefectures of Cyangugu, Gikongoro and Kibuye. The

mission saved few civilians in South West Rwanda. However, French soldiers were

also aware of killings against Tutsi in Bisesero. Opération Turquoise also allowed

soldiers, officials and militiamen involved in the genocide to flee Rwanda through

the areas under their control.

1.2.8 The end of the Liberation War and the campaign to stop the Genocide

On April 6, 1994, the deaths of the Presidents of Burundi and Rwanda in a plane

crash ignited several weeks of intense and systematic massacres in which over

one million Tutsi perished. Less than half an hour after the plane crash, roadblocks

manned by Hutu militiamen often assisted by gendarmerie (paramilitary police) or

military personnel were set up to identify Tutsi and supposed RPF accomplices.

On April 7, Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) aired a broadcast

attributing the plane crash to the RPF and a contingent of UN soldiers, as well as

incitements to eliminate the ‘Tutsi cockroaches’. Later that day the Prime Minister,

Agathe Uwilingiyimana and 10 Belgian peacekeepers assigned to protect her were

brutally murdered by Rwandan government soldiers at her home and Camp Kigali

respectively. Other moderate Hutu leaders were similarly assassinated. After the

massacre of its troops, Belgium withdrew the rest of its force. In the meanwhile, on

April 8, 1994, Major General Paul Kagame, the RPF commander launched a campaign

to stop the Genocide and restore peace and security in the country.

As the international community reduced its forces and on April 9, the FAR rejected

RPF’s idea to form a joint operation to save civilians, RPF started moving its troops to

defend its battalion blocked in CND. At the same time, it mobilised its troops to stop

the massacres. RPF forces attacked by three axes: the East, West and Central axes

(towards Kigali). During the fights, Byumba was occupied by the central axis troops.

The two other axes joined the battalion that was in CND headquarters, three days

after resuming the fights.

Due to RPF forces numeric inferiority (25,000 people) and FAR weaponry, RPF

minimised losses by using a range of strategies in order to avoid direct confrontation

with the FAR. For instance, RPA-RPF forces infiltrated the FAR lines and disorganised

them with mortar fire. In addition, they occupied supply routes and left a place for

withdrawing. The FAR were attacked by many sides and their morale weakened. As

a result, RPA-RPF forces managed to save some Tutsi.

In the meanwhile, a diplomatic action allowed RPF envoys to counterattack the

Interim Government (called Abatabazi) campaign saying that the war by RPF was an

invasion which was unjustly imposed on Rwanda by Uganda under the sponsorship

of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Moreover, the then Government’s diplomatic

campaign alleged that the killings were spontaneous due to anger and blind

obedience of the population caused by the death of President Habyarimana.

However, it was Government’s attempt to hide its responsibility in the killings.

On April 21, the UNAMIR force was reduced from an initial number of 2,165 soldiers

to 270 with no clear mandate to use force to save the lives of targeted people. Thus

UNAMIR’s contribution to save the Tutsi can be considered as a failure.

Between April and June 1994, an RPF delegation concentrated its efforts at the

UN headquarters in New York and Washington. In fierce competition with the

representatives of the Interim Government, they pleaded for recognition of

the massacres as genocide. The RPF delegation pleaded for the creation of an

International Criminal Tribunal in charge of trying crimes against humanity and the

Genocide committed in Rwanda. Later on, they also campaigned against ambiguous

French military intervention, known as Operation Turquoise.

This French military intervention had been authorised by the Security Council on

June 22 for humanitarian purposes. 

Figure 1.9:Map showing the advance of the RPF in 1994

Source:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_Civil_War.

On July 4, 1994, Kigali fell into the hands of the RPA. The members of the so-called

Interim Government (called Abatabazi), members of the FAR, the armed groups, and

many people who were involved in the Genocide and the general population, fled

mainly to Zaïre, current Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Tanzania. Millions

of civilians fled because they had been told by the Government officials, soldiers

and militia that the RPF would kill them. Thousands died of water- borne diseases.

The camps were also used by former Rwandan government soldiers to re-arm and

stage invasions into Rwanda. Thus, RPF became the only force to have politically and

militarily opposed the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994.

Figure 1.12: RPA troops enter Kigali after the fall of the capital

Source: www.newtimes.co.rw/section/read/185523.

On July 19, 1994, the RPF established the Government of National Unity with four

other political parties namely PL (Parti Libéral), Parti Social Démocrate (PSD), Parti

Démocrate Chrétien (PDC), and Mouvement Démocratique Républicain (MDR).

Pasteur Bizimungu became the President, Major General Paul Kagame Vice President

and Minister of Defence and Faustin Twagiramungu, Prime Minister. Weeks later, a

70-member Transitional National Assembly was formed consisting of representatives

of the RPF, the four other original parties plus three other smaller parties, namely,

the Parti Démocratique Islamique (PDI), the Parti Socialiste Rwandais (PSR), and the

Union Démocratique du Peuple Rwandais (UDPR), as well as six representatives of

the Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA).

1.2 Application activity

Search on internet or other documents the Arusha Peace Agreement and read the

Protocol of Agreement on the rule of law. Can you claim that the Arusha Peace

Agreement (see the Protocol of Agreement on the rule of law) had innovative

strategies for building a better and peaceful Rwanda? Explain your statement.

Choose any of the following powers and explain its involvement in the Liberation

War: Uganda, Zaire, Belgium and France. Use internet and other available

document in your school library.

Read carefully the following extracts from Arusha Peace Agreement:

a) “Protocol of Agreement between the Government of the Republic of

Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front on Power-Sharing within the

Framework of a Broad-Based Transitional Government

Article 56

Nominative distribution of portfolios shall be as follows:

MRND

1. Ministry of Defence;

2. Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research and Culture;

3. Ministry of Public Service;

4. Ministry of Planning;

5. Ministry of Family Affairs and Promotion of the Status of Women.

RPF

1. Ministry of Interior and Communal Development;

2. Ministry of Transport and Communications;

3. Ministry of Health;

4. Ministry of Youth and Associative Movement;

5. Secretariat of State for Rehabilitation and Social Integration

MDR

1. Prime Minister;

2. Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation;

3. Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education;

4. Ministry of Information.

PSD

1. Ministry of Finance;

2. Ministry of Public works and Energy;

3. Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock

PL

1. Ministry of Justice;

2. Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Cottage Industry;

3. Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs;

PDC

 Ministry of Environment and Tourism

b) Protocol of Agreement between the Government of the Republic of

Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front on the Integration of the Armed

Forces of the Two Parties

Article 74: Proportions and Distribution of Command Posts

During the establishment of the National Army, the proportions and

distribution of Command posts between the two parties shall abide by the

following principles:

(…) Government forces shall contribute 60% of the forces and the RPF 40%

of the forces for all levels apart from the posts of Command described below.

(…) In the chain of Command, from the Army Headquarters to the Battalion,

each party shall have a 50% representation for the following posts (…).

Write down what you think about the above extracts. Do you think that the

Arusha Peace Agreement was viable? Explain your position.

1.3 The effects of the Liberation War (1990-1994)

1.3 Activity

Write down what you know about the effects of the Liberation War (not more

than ten lines).

1.3.1 The loss of lives and destruction of properties

The war increased insecurity in Rwanda. In fighting areas, drunken soldiers could

shoot at people; ransack their houses and rape girls and women. In addition, a

number of people were killed and others wounded including soldiers and civilians.

The killings led to the problem of orphans and widows.

There was also the massacre of Abagogwe social group from 1991 to 1993 by

Habyarimana regime in retaliation against an RPA attack. These killings were also

seen by some analysts as a strategy of strengthening the Habyarimana’s regime in

difficult conditions and uniting all Hutu against a same enemy. 

The similar killings were done in Kibirira, Bugesera, Kibuye, Murambi and in Umutara.

By this war, some public infrastructures like offices, roads and bridges, specifically

in the northern regions of Rwanda were destroyed. Besides, the private properties

were also destroyed like houses and shops.

1.3.2 Refugees’ mobilisation and mixed reactions in Rwanda

For those in exile, they were excited and felt that the time had come to return home.

As a result, they joined massively the RPF and the struggle as the war progressed.

Besides, mobilization to support the war effort was reinforced in the region and

abroad and recruitment into the RPF intensified. A lot of money, medicine, food and

clothes were mobilised on a continuous basis in support of the war.

Inside Rwanda, there were mixed reactions. Some people mainly sympathisers of

the RPF, who had been treated as second class citizens, felt the time had come for

their rescue and joined the struggle through different neighbouring countries while

others were worried about the reactions of the Habyarimana regime. The MRND was

mobilising the Hutu to fight against the enemy, the Tutsi.

1.3.3 The decline of the Rwandan economy

Because of the war and the pressure on Habyarimana regime the Rwandan economy

collapsed. The price of main export commodities such as coffee decreased at the

international market. Thus the country witnessed a hard economic situation. Besides,

foreign aid decreased and the franc rwandais lost its value. Main sectors of economic

activities fell down. Rwandans’ financial conditions worsened. In fact, because of

the war, the North corridor was closed and this led to the stoppage of commercial

exchange with Uganda. Besides, the war increased the military expenditure of the

Government of Rwanda and the military expenses kept impoverishing the country.

1.3.4 The displacement and exile of many people

More than one million of Rwandans fleeing the battle fields were displaced inside

the country and were not working. These Rwandans were in great need of shelter,

food and other basic materials to use in their daily life. At the end of the war,

Government officials, soldiers and militia fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo

(DRC), then known as Zaïre, Tanzania and Burundi taking with them millions of

civilians. Thousands died of water-borne diseases. 

Figure 1.11: Refugees going in exile to DRC in 1994 on Rusizi bridge.

Source:www.smh.com.au/world/rwanda-genocide-anniversary-sheds-light-onhorrors-of-bigotry-20140411- 36idt.html.

1.3.5 Campaign to stop the Genocide

In addition to the end of the Genocide, one of the big achievements of the

Liberation War was the end of the dictatorial regime which committed that

Tutsi extermination. It was a start of a new era where the Government put into

place new institutions aimed at eradicating discrimination in view of unity and

reconciliation. Rwandans who were living outside the country benefited from the

change to come back to their country

Application activities

1. Gather some information in your home community related to people’s

reactions to the Liberation War.

2. Ask some people in your community about their experiences on the

consequences of the Liberation War. Write down a short story of not

more than one page.

3. Search on internet or use other documents to find the reactions of

international community including humanitarian organisations on the

Liberation War.

1.4 The challenges faced by Rwanda after the Genocide

against the Tutsi

Activity 1.4

Figure 1.13: A drawing to analyse

Describe the above drawing. How do you link it with the challenges faced by

Rwandans after the Genocide against the Tutsi? 

1.4.1 Problems of insecurity

Although the RPF had captured the power and a transitional government had been

put in place, the security situation was still fluid, with former government forces

and Interahamwe militia still carrying out Genocide in various part of the country.

A French buffer area in western Rwanda, known as Zone Turquoise had become

a safe haven for genocidal forces. In addition, infiltrators from refugee camps

across the border continued to cross and destabilise the country. The Rwandan

combatants and refugees located on the border of the current DRC became a

security threat which destabilised the hosting country and the interests of several

companies. Consequently, a campaign against Rwanda was organised by the

affected companies. It should be noted that the ex-FAR and Interahamwe were

allowed to keep their weapons and to join the civilian refugees. Other sympathizers

of the former regime continued to support combatants, notably Zaïre (current

DRC) under President Mobutu Sese Seko. All these proved to be security challenges

for a country that had been affected by one of the worst human tragedies of the

20th century.

The Government of National Unity had to devise means to address insecurity in the

whole country so that Rwandans could begin the task of rebuilding the nation.

1.4.2 Political and administrative vacuum

The Government of National Unity inherited a country without political and

administrative institutions, due to the chaos provoked by the Interim Government.

Most of civil servants were either killed or have left the country and the political

institutions were destroyed. In addition, during the period of emergence, the

Government faced the problems related to insufficient numbers of civil servants,

lack of equipment and motivation for civil servants because they had neither salary

nor accommodation, a judicial system that had come to a standstill due to lack

of adequate qualified personnel, cases of embezzlement of public funds, districts

without leadership (bourgmestres), and inexperienced police force among others.

1.4.3 Suspicion and mistrust among the Rwandan population

Since Rwanda’s social cohesion had fractured due to the divisive politics that

preceded the Genocide, suspicion and mistrust characterised relationships between

Rwandans. Thus, the new government inherited a deeply scarred nation where trust

within and between social groups had been replaced by fear and betrayal.

This lack of trust between people posed a serious challenge to the functioning of

institutions because the vision of the Government of National Unity was not shared

by all stakeholders. In spite of all this, the Government of National Unity believed

that Rwanda was not dead but that it could be reborn and re-built. 

To reach that goal, the Government of National Unity advocated strongly for unity

and reconciliation despite the enormous challenges.

1.4.4 Broken judicial system

The Government of National Unity inherited a broken justice sector. More than

140, 000 genocide suspects had been arrested yet there was insufficient prison

infrastructure to host them. Their detention became a huge challenge in terms of

feeding, and provision of medical and other services. In the same vein, there was

inadequate number of trained lawyers to handle the large number of perpetrators

of Genocide and this shortage of judges was also true for other crimes that were

being committed in the country. For example, according to records of the Supreme

Court, out of 702 judges in 2003, only 74 possessed a bachelor’s degree in law.

Laws were also outdated, obscure and inadequate. For example, there was no law on

the planning and execution of Genocide. Nonetheless, justice had to be delivered.

Despite meagre resources that were available, the government had to operate

reforms and introduce new judicial institutions to deal with all these challenges.

1.4.5 Lack of shelter for refugees and other vulnerable people

The Government of National Unity strived to restore Rwanda as a country for all

Rwandans and provide a homeland for millions of Rwandan refugees. Tens of

thousands of internally displaced people, especially Genocide survivors whose

houses had been destroyed, were looking for housing facilities. About three million

Rwandan refugees taken as hostage by the defeated genocidal forces in current

DRC and some in Tanzania and Burundi were brought back home by the Transitional

Government.

This humanitarian exercise was largely successful despite the failure of the

international community to address their plight in refugees’ camps. A big number

of older refugees (from 1959 and subsequent years) came back also in their country.

All these categories of the needy people were looking for houses.

1.4.6 A bleak health sector

In the health sector, the picture was equally bleak. This sector was weak

in Rwanda. The personnel in health services were few and poorly trained. This

was a result of chronically poor human resource development strategies that

characterised colonial and post-colonial Rwanda. On one hand, this situation was

greatly exacerbated by the Genocide in which a number of health personnel had

either participated in or had fled the country. On the other hand, some health

workers had been killed. Few refugees that had returned from exile settled in Kigali.

The capital city attracted health personnel because it had some infrastructures and

was also safer to live in. 

To mitigate the health crisis, a number of NGOs and the army came in and tried to

make a difference, but the task was overwhelming since the number of the injured

and the patients was very high. Statistics indicate that immunisation coverage for

children had decreased as a result of war and mismanagement.

Malnutrition levels were also very high. Child as well as maternal mortality rates

were equally high due to poor health service delivery.

The prevalence of water-borne diseases and other conditions related to poor

sanitation was among the highest in Africa at that time. The high infection rate of

transmittable diseases, especially HIV and AIDS was equally high. This pandemic

disease had worsened during the Genocide because rape was used as a war weapon.

The situation worsened due to a good number of traumatised people and high

fertility rate coupled with ignorance. Malaria was hyper endemic in some parts of

the country, especially in the east and southern provinces.

1.4.7 A selective education system

During the genocide against the Tutsi, most education infrastructure was destroyed

and the human capital almost decimated.

The education system was poor and did not respond to the socio-economic needs

of the country. Few educated Rwandans could not translate their knowledge into

productive activities to improve the standard of living of the Rwandan people.

For instance in the eastern part of the country, schools were not only few and

scattered, but in some areas they did not exist at all. Higher education was not only

quantitatively low but was also a privilege of the few favoured by the quota system.

For example, in the period between 1963 and 1994, only about 2000 Rwandans had

completed tertiary education.

1.4.8 Economic challenges

The Rwandan economy and political situation before 1994 was marked by economic

stagnation and high levels of poverty, mainly attributed to lack of vision and poor

economic planning, mismanagement, embezzlement, corruption by the leadership

of the time. It was a state controlled economy.

As a result, post Genocide Rwanda faced a number of economic challenges including

an unstable macroeconomic environment. For example, in 1994, the economy

shrank by 50 % and inflation rose to 64 %. Between 1985 and 1994, the GDP growth

rate was a mere 2.2% against a population growth rate of 3.2%, meaning there was

an annual decline of-1% of per capita GDP.

These challenges were mainly due to the fact that the economy was characterised

by low productivity in all sectors, but most especially in agriculture. 

Yet more than 90% of the population depended for their livelihood on agriculture.

This situation resulted in a very weak export base coupled with a narrow revenue

collection. It implied internally generated resources or external aid to fund social

services like education and health.

In addition, there was low private investment. As a result, the country lacked a serious

and vibrant private sector to drive economic growth. In the public sector too, there

was a high unskilled labour force. For example, in 1994, at least 79% of civil servants

in the country had not done tertiary education.

To make matters worse, skilled professionals had been particularly either targeted

in the Genocide or had fled the country. In brief, the Government of National Unity

inherited an economy completely destroyed by the Genocide and mismanagement

over three decades.

1.4.9 Agricultural challenges

Agriculture was the key economic sector for Rwanda because it employed more than

90% of the population. However, despite this fact, its output continued to be poor

because the techniques of production were still rudimentary with the use of the

hand-hoe as the primary tool, lack of or inadequate use of fertiliser, poor training of

farmers in terms of technological use and poor soils emanating from over cultivation

and overpopulation.

Rwanda’s agriculture suffered from structural and fluctuating problems. For

example, Rwanda’s soils depended entirely on rains because 1.64 % of this soil

was under irrigation and only 1.2% was cultivated. This showed that Rwanda’s

agriculture depended on unpredictable climatic changes. In addition, soil erosion

affected more than 20% of the national territory. A fraction of the Rwandan

population still suffered from food insecurity and malnutrition. Price fluctuation of

exported products was also another problem whenever the agricultural prices fell.

Although agricultural production increased from 1994, food availability per head

per year was on the decline.

Farming and animal husbandry activities needed agricultural space. However, the

Rwandan soil suffered from demographic pressure and physical degradation. It was

overexploited because of high population density. Rwanda’s inheritance system of

family land transfers also led to land fragmentation. On average, the size of owned

cultivable land by a household was 0.72 ha, although there were differences at

regional level. Hence, land fertility reduced gradually. Soil erosion affected a big

portion of this land and anti-erosion techniques were not yet widespread on the

entire territory. Other behaviours contributed to aggravate the soil situation. For

example, overgrazing, bush burning practices, irresponsible deforestation, unreasonable exploitation of marshlands by brick makers and the extraction of sand

along valleys.

1.4.10 Application activities

1. Observe the following picture

Figure 1.14: Picture to analyse

Source: https://www.pri.org/stories/2011-06-24/un-convicts-woman-rwandagenocide.

1. Explain what you think about the above picture. How do you link it with

the Genocide consequences?

2. After reading Section 1.4, classify the mentioned challenges as social,

political, economic and psychological. Explain your categorisation.

3. Read carefully the following extract:

“Because of many problems, I started to lack the ability to sleep at night. I could

only sleep for two hours at night. This went on for a year, and I developed a complex

sickness. I developed bad thoughts at night [had nightmares] all the time. Most of the

time I dreamed of being killed, and I saw myself with people I know are dead and I was

very terrified because I knew those people died a long time ago.

My mental condition had taken on grave proportions. I started to visit doctors,

but it worried me that they could not see [figure out] what my real illness was.”

(Totten, 2011, pp. 394-395).

Reffering to the previous classification done on question 2, in which category

does the above quote fall? Explain your answer by using words from the text.

4. “Relationships between different social groups of Rwandans after the

Genocide were problematic.” Comment this statement.

       Read carefully the following table:

Source: République du Rwanda, Ministère de l’administration locale, du

développement communautaire et des affaires sociales (2004, p. 20).

a. By means of a computer use the provided statistics (%) and draw a diagram

of reported victims of genocide. If you do not have a computer you can

draw your diagram on a paper using a pencil.

b. By using your knowledge of the History and Geography of Rwanda

comment the diagram.

1.5 The achievements of the Government of National Unity (1994-2003)

1.5.1 Activity

What do you know about the achievements of the Government of Rwanda after

the Genocide against the Tutsi?

1.5.1 Political programme of the Government of National Unity

The new government had to fill the power vacuum left by the defeated Interim

Government. In this regard, the constitution of June 10, 1991, the Arusha Peace

Agreement with all its protocols, the RPF declaration of July 17, 1994 and the

Agreement of November 24, 1994 between political parties were used by the new

Government in order to put in place its programme. The Arusha Peace Agreement

was the main source of inspiration for governmental action. This was due to the

fact that the Arusha Peace Agreement included two important principles in the

management of the state namely the establishment of the rule of law and the

power sharing arrangement. However, the texts were adapted to the new situations.

For instance, MRND and its satellite political parties supporting the “Hutu power”

and those involved in the Genocide were excluded from new institutions of the

Transitional Government. Their posts had to be given to RPF. A new army had to

be created by integrating in the APR, the ex FAR and the recruitment of those who

had not participated in the Genocide. In addition, independent people and soldiers

were introduced in the Transitional Parliament and a post of Vice President of the

Republic carrying another portfolio was allocated to RPF.

On July 19, 1994, the government programme was presented by Mr. Faustin

Twagiramungu. The latter was the Prime Minister designated by the Arusha Peace

Agreement. The programme focused on the following points:

• Restoration of peace and security;

• Organisation of central and local administration, i.e.préfectures,communes,

sectors and cells

• Restoration and consolidation of national unity;

• Settlement of refugees and returning their property;

• Improvement of living conditions of the people and solving the social

problems that resulted from war and Genocide;

• Revival of the country’s economy;

• Consolidation of democracy.

During the establishment of the transitional institutions in July 1994, only RPF, MDR,

PSD, PL, PDC, PSR, UDPR and PDI were officially recognized. Later on, MDR was

excluded from accepted political parties because of its divisive ideology.

A parliamentary report pointed out that some people wanted to use it for their

political agenda.

1.5.2 Safeguarding national security

After the Genocide against the Tutsi, the security in Rwanda was extremely unstable

as there were still unhealed wounds from the war. Most of the population was

displaced, creating a volatile situation in the country. Military strategies were devised

to find solution and eradicate the thousands of military groups and ex-combatants

who continued to torment and kill citizens.

The problem of insecurity especially on the western border of the country was

caused by the incursions of Ex FAR and Interahamwe militias. To put an end to

this destabilisation, the Government of Rwanda proceeded to the repatriation of

refugees from Zaïre, current DRC and military operations aiming at weakening the

combatants. 

Figure 1.15: Repatriation of refugees from Tanzania in 1996

Source: www.smh.com.au/world/rwanda-genocide-anniversry-shelds-light-onhorrors-of-bigotry-20140411-36idt.html.

1.5.3 Politico-administrative reforms and fight against injustice

From its inception, the Government was supposed to set up administrative structures

from the top to the bottom. Due to lack of time to produce the most appropriate

administrative framework, it maintained the structure left by the defeated regime

namely central government, préfectures(provinces), communes ( districts) , sectors

and cells.

Figure1.16: Communes of Rwanda prior to 2002, after the formation of Umutara prefecture in 1996

Source:https:en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Provinces_of_Rwanda#/meadi/

File:Communes_of_Rwanda.svg.

Rwanda’s decentralisation policy was an important innovation. Its objective was to

empower and invite the population to participate actively in debates on issues that

concerned it directly. It also aimed at encouraging the electorate in the countryside

to provide information and explain issues in order to take decisions knowingly.

The decentralisation of activities went hand in hand with the decentralisation of

financial, material and human resources.

The first phase (2001-2005) aimed at establishing democratic and community

development structures at the district level and was accompanied by a number

of legal, institutional and policy reforms, as well as democratic elections for local

leaders. However, the decentralisation process faced some challenges because

some leaders have to perform volunteer work. In addition, some of them cumulated

jobs and this could lead to their inefficiency.

Figure 1.17: Map of Rwanda showing administrative division between 2002 and 2006

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Provinces_of_Rwanda#media/File:Rwanda.

geohive.gif

To reinforce good governance in Rwanda, anti-corruption and public accountability

institutions were created by the Government. Their operational capacity continued

to be strengthened so as to achieve greater accountability. They include the Office

of the Ombudsman, Office of the Auditor General for State Finances, Rwanda Public

Procurement Authority and Rwanda Revenue Authority.

These institutions are mandated to fight injustice, corruption and abuse by

public officials and related offences in both public and private administration

and to promote the principles of good governance based on accountability and

transparency.

Rwanda has also signed and ratified the United Nations Convention Against

Corruption (UNCAC), the African Union anti-corruption Convention (AUCC) and the

UN convention against Transnational Organised Crime (UNTOC).

In order to promote consensual democracy, since 2000, free, transparent and

peaceful elections have been organised at local levels and Rwanda has put in place

a new constitution that clearly defines the main principles as well as performance

and limit of political institutions, multiparty system and respect of everybody’s right.

The 2003 Constitution accepts that all most important political positions in the

country must be shared by political parties and independent politicians. This power

sharing was observed not only in the government but also in the Parliament made

up of two chambers: the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate.

These two chambers are complementary in nature, but independent of each other.

The Executive is overseen by parliament, according to the constitution, while the

judiciary is also independent from the Executive and the Legislature.

1.5.4 Promotion of unity and reconciliation

The national unity implies the indivisibility of the Rwandan people. All citizens

should have an equal opportunity to national economic resources and can claim

the same political rights. Rapidly, the Government of National Unity fought and

eliminated all constraints of national unity such as “ethnicity” and regionalism. For

instance, “ethnic” labels were removed from identity cards.

In the same perspective, the Commission urges Rwandans to strive to heal one

another’s physical and psychological wounds while building future interpersonal trust

based on truth telling, repentance and forgiveness. Thus, the Commission educates

and mobilises Rwandans on matters related to national unity and reconciliation and

undertakes research in the matter of peace and unity and reconciliation to make

proposals on measures for eradicating divisions and for reinforcing unity. In addition,

a series of strategies such as solidarity camps where different categories of people

meet to discuss issues related to unity and reconciliation and programmes on radios

are used by the Commission. The Government of National Unity repatriated a big

number of refugees which was a fundamental obligation and a bridge to peace,

national unity and reconciliation.

In addition to the above efforts, the Government of National Unity introduced several

structures and programmes that were meant to correct past errors that led to war

and Genocide. These structures include the National Commission of Human Rights,

the Gacaca Jurisdictions, Commission Nationale de Lutte Contre le Génocide(CNLG)

and Rwanda Demobilisation Commission.

Besides to promote unity among Rwandans new national symbols namely the

national anthem, the national flag and the coat of arms were designed to reflect the

unity of Rwandans. However, “ethnic” based ideologies propagated by electronic

media or in families keep hindering national unity.

1.5.5 Remaking justice

The Genocide was carefully planned and executed to annihilate the Tutsi. The

Government made it among its highest priorities to apprehend and bring to justice

the perpetrators of the Genocide.

Thousands of people were arrested and judged. Some of them were released for

lack of evidence and others convicted and sentenced. It is pertinent to the people of

Rwanda to feel that no reconciliation is possible without justice.

The big number of prisoners and cases due for trial placed severe strain on

Rwanda’s criminal justice system which had already been crippled by the murder

of professionals during the Genocide. The Government of National Unity decided

to ease pressure on the criminal justice system by categorising Genocide suspects

according to the crimes they were accused of. In this regard, category 1 was composed

of the planners and perpetrators of the Genocide. A number of 2,133 people were

convicted in the conventional courts. The categories 2-4 where involvement was

slightly less serious were convicted in traditional jurisdictions or Gacaca courts.

This new process significantly sped up trials and sentencing, which if they had been

restricted to conventional courts would take over 200 years to complete. The Gacaca

courts also had the advantage of involving the community in the trial and sentencing

process. The Government believed that involving the population in the trials could

also contribute significantly to reconciliation. In fact, testimonies from the general

population helped survivors to discover the corpses of the family members killed

during the Genocide. Moreover, some perpetrators demanded pardon from the

survivors. In some places, perpetrators and survivors were gathered in associations.

On the debit side, the Gacaca courts were criticised for corrupt judges and lack of

lawyers commonly used in modern judicial system.

The Government also made it a priority to strengthen the criminal justice system.

Special training was provided to magistrates and judges, while courts around the

country were renovated. A national police force was created and charged with civil

security matters and criminal investigations.

1.5.6 Assistance to the most vulnerable people

From the social point of view, the Government of National Unity faced with the

problem of assisting vulnerable people.

Almost all the Rwandan population that had survived Genocide and war was

described as vulnerable. With time, their numbers kept on reducing given the

situation which improved politically, socially and economically. The vulnerable

people included Rwandan refugees and repatriated displaced people, Genocide

survivors, single children and orphans, widows, people with disabilities, the poor,

HIV/AIDS victims and prisoners. Moreover, between November 1995 and February

1996, Rwanda hosted almost 37, 000 refugees including former Burundi refugees

and Kinyarwanda-speaking ones from Zaïre. In 2003, the number of foreign refugees

in Rwanda was estimated at 300, 000 persons. Only 35, 000 refugees remained in

Rwanda at the end of 2003.

The survivors of Genocide were part of the most important vulnerable groups in the

country. The Government handled them as a priority. In 1998, an Assistance Fund

for Genocide Survivors, Fonds d’Aide pour les Rescapés du Génocide (FARG) was

set up. It was allocated 5% of the national budget. This budget enabled FARG to

solve a big part of its problems experienced by vulnerable surviving children in the

fields of primary, secondary and higher education. The fund was also used to pay for

health care. FARG also helped vulnerable survivors to construct residential homes

in regrouped villages (imidugudu) and/or elsewhere. It was also used to repair their

former residences. FARG financed small projects to help survivors fight against

poverty.

From 1994, the orphans and single-children received assistance of varied nature.

For some of them, houses were constructed; others were trained and given supplies

in reception centres. In this way, they received physical and mental health-care,

education and social integration facilities. Some of them were able to reunite with

members of their families.

The ministries which were dealing with social affairs performed the following

services: designing intervention programmes in favour of widows, providing

material assistance, conducting a census of raped and pregnant women, etc. On

the other hand, women victims of war and genocide set up associations for mutual

help. These actions produced tangible results. However, a big number of them still

suffered from the after-effects of war and genocide such as traumatism.

1.5.7 Health promotion

Between 1994 and 2003, a particular focus was put on the improvement of health

infrastructure given the role that the latter plays in the improvement of health.

Some new hospitals were constructed and old ones were constantly rehabilitated

or expanded. Several health centres were also constructed while old ones were

repaired gradually.In 1996 the majority of health facilities started to provide both

curative and preventive treatment.

National referral hospitals such as King Faisal Hospital, the Centre Hospitalier de

Kigali and the University Teaching Hospital of Butare were rehabilitated, re-equipped

and made operational. There were 25 district hospitals in the country. Out of 279

health centres and dispensaries, 257 were reopened after rehabilitating them with

new equipment.

In 2000, Nyanza Hospital and Kimironko Health Centre were established. In 2001,

there were 33 district hospitals and 40 health centres. The above district hospitals

were coordinated by 11 regional health officials. 

Health staff increased qualitatively and quantitatively. The National University of

Rwanda (NUR) Faculty of Medicine produced 1,999 general doctors. Nonetheless,

the Government resorted to foreign doctors from neighbouring countries and

even beyond to solve the problem of inadequate medical personnel. Kigali Health

Institute (KHI) also trained several medical assistants at A1 level. The nursing section

at secondary school also level produced nurses of A2 level, whereas those in the

social section trained and graduated social workers.

The government policy of encouraging the people to participate in health

programmes was successful. The Rwandan Sickness Insurance Scheme,La Rwandaise

d’Assurance Maladie (RAMA) was established to ensure that government civil

servants get proper medical insurance coverage. It started business in 2001.

1.5.8 Meritocracy and skills enhancement in education

The colonial and post-colonial administrations left Rwanda with one of the lowest

skilled populations in the sub-region. In addition to this, an “ethnic” quota system for

entry into secondary schools and the university made access to education limited

for sections of the population.

On entering office, the Government of National Unity immediately instituted

meritocracy in education system and measures were put in place to address

the country’s manpower incapacity. Since 1994, the number of higher learning

institutions kept increasing and were six in 2000. The total number of students

receiving higher education rose from 3,000 and was close to 7,000 in 2003. The

number of university graduates between 1963 and 1994 was 2,160. Between 1995

and 2000, a period of just five years, the Government of Rwanda produced over

2,000 university graduates.

A former military college in the heart of Kigali was transformed into a modern Institute

of Science and Technology. The new Kigali Institute of Science and Technology (KIST)

was established in 1997 to provide technical, skill based training to 2,500 full and

part-time students.

 The institute also hosted the African virtual University and conducted business and

entrepreneurship courses. Licenses and facilitation were granted to other institutions

and colleges to make more training opportunities available to the population.

Similarly, from 1994 to 2000, the number of primary schools increased more than one

and a half times. The number of qualified teachers rose by 53% between 1994 and

2000. More resources were made available to build new schools and to rehabilitate old

ones. In addition, Government introduced universal primary education, established

education support institutions such as the National Curriculum Development

Centre, the General Inspectorate of Education and Examinations Board. 

The National Examination Council was introduced to ensure fairness, transparency

and uniformity in standards.

1.5.9 Enhancing economic growth and development

Due to War and the Genocide, the country’s infrastructure was destroyed. Between

July 1994 and 2000, the Government of National Unity put in place an emergency

programme of reconstruction. In this regard, policies and programmes of economic

recovery and social welfare were put in place. For instance, the Government designed

first a programme of national reconciliation and another one of rehabilitation

and development. The latter was presented during Geneva donors’ conference in

January 1995. Its aims were the restoration of the macro-economic framework of

the country, capacity building, reinforcing the participation of local investors and

integration of refugees and displaced people. In addition, the Government had to

restore favourable conditions for economic and social activities.

Almost 600 million US dollars was received by Rwanda for the period 1995-1996

thanks to the Geneva donors’ conference. The international financial contribution

served not only to rehabilitate and repair the basic infrastructures but also to

increase agricultural activities. It also improved Rwanda’s balance of payments.

During the second conference held in June 1996, Rwanda received 500 million

US dollars for the second recovery programme called Rehabilitation and recovery

programme (1995-1998). The third programme presented to the World Bank and

International Monetary Fund (IMF) was a structural adjustment. It intended to

stabilise the country’s macro-economic performance to improve the balance of

payments, controlling inflation, etc.

In June 1998, IMF approved Rwanda’s application to achieve Reinforced Structural

Adjustment Facility. In 1999, this 3 years programme was transformed into a ‘Facility

for Poverty Reduction and Growth’ (FPRG). It was supported with funds worth 413.3

million USD. Thus Rwanda embarked on its economic and social construction.

Even if some programmes and policies were conceived, it was from 2000 that the

Government of Rwanda started formulating long term policies. They included

Vision 2020 and the Strategic Plan for the Reduction of poverty (EDPRS) which was

published in June 2000. These two strategic programmes demonstrated remarkable

dynamism because they inspired subsequent policies which were designed in all

government sectors.

The Government immediately set out to create fiscal stability and economic growth.

Inflation was brought down from 64% in 1994 to fewer than 5% from 1998 up to

2000. In 1994, annual fiscal revenues were zero while in 2002 they stood at nearly 70

billion of Rwandan Francs (frw). The economy grew steadily at an average of 11%,

while gross domestic incomes grew at an average of 14.3% per annum since 1995.

The process of privatisation of government enterprises started in 1996. Many

enterprises were put up for privatisation and shares were sold to local or foreign

investors. The government made it a priority to diversify Rwanda’s economic base.

The Government of National Unity was committed to rebuilding, expanding and

improving the infrastructure of the country in order to facilitate economic growth.

Since 2003 new roads have been built and others have been reconstructed to

improve the road system.

Other efforts related to promote health conditions in residential houses increased

the availability of water and electricity. Up to 2001, only 2.4% of the homes were

connected to water supplied by ELECTROGAZ as opposed to 38.1% homesteads

which got water from natural wells. The poorest people fetched water from rivers.

The average distance between homes and water sources was 703 meters in 2001.

As for electricity, the number of ELECTROGAZ customers increased. It rose from 2%

of the population in 1994 to 6% in 2002. In addition, there was a significant difference

in living standards between rural and urban dwellers.

1.5.10 Agriculture and animal husbandry

Ever since it took over power in July 1994, the Government of National Unity focused

its attention on boosting agricultural production. It sensitised the population to

embark on agriculture as soon as peace and security were achieved. It distributed

seeds, basic tools, pesticides, etc. to boost agriculture.

To curb the problem of famine and guarantee food security, government priority

identified the cultivation of the following crops: maize, rice, sorghum, beans and,

irish potatoes.

Rwanda’s economy heavily depended on the export of coffee and tea. The evolution

of quantitative production of coffee from 1994 to 2003 was achieved unevenly.

The new export crops on which the Government focused its attention included

flowers which started fetching foreign exchange to the Rwandan economy. In short,

agricultural production increased from 1994. Between 1995 and 2005, it multiplied

twofold.

In the field of animal husbandry, government action since 1994 was bent on the

following: increasing the reproduction of animals in all regions of the country,

reopening of veterinary laboratories and research institutions in animal technology,

provision of veterinary medicines and the sensitization of farmers to ensure an

increase in animal production. In 1994 and 2003, the number of domestic animals

increased by almost five. Quantitatively, animal husbandry also improved because

big-sized animals and the number of cross-breed animals increased though

generally, a lot of improvement was still needed.

1.5.11 Promotion of gender equality

Women had suffered due to war and the Genocide. One of the Government and civil

society priorities were to strengthen capacity building programmes for women in

all fields. In this regard, the Rwandan legislation which was disadvantaging women

was amended in order to give equal opportunities to both men and women. The

Government set up the National Commission for Women’s Rights which played

an important role in revising the law and culture. Articles which disadvantaged

women were removed. Similarly, women organisations became very active. Hence,

an association called PROFEMMES trained women and empowered them to take

up roles in decision making organs, justice. In addition, laws on inheritance were

reformulated. Furthermore , the gender factor was integrated in all national policies

on Rwanda’s long term development.

In political domain, the Government encouraged women to get involved in decision

making organs. This started from the first electoral campaigns of 1999, 2001 and

2003. For example, during the 2001 elections organised by district and sector

committees, almost 25% of the women were elected.

All categories of the Rwandan population took part in the process of drafting the

Rwandan constitution of 2003. This facilitated the inclusion of the gender factor in

the constitution. The 2003 Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda stipulates that

women shall occupy at least 30% of the decision making organs in the country.

The results of the 2003 elections showed that Rwanda was among the first world

countries in the world with the most outstanding percentage of women in the

National Assembly.

1.5.3 Application activities

1. Choose two main achievements of the Government of National Unity.

Explain why they are so important to you.

2. Explain different administrative reforms that have been initiated by the

Government of Rwanda after the Genocide against the Tutsi.

3. Search on internet or in your school library the 2003 Constitution of the

Republic of Rwanda. . Compare the duties of the Chamber of deputies

and those of the Senate.

4. Discuss how the education has been promoted by the Government of

Rwanda after the Genocide against the Tutsi.

5. Basing on information available in local administration or school

administration, look for statistics concerning school infrastructure and

school enrolment rate and school girls’ and boys’ ratio. Try to analyze

and comment the obtained data.

End unit assessment

Respond to questions of Section A or B

Section A

1. Justify the factors supporting the attack of RPF Inkotanyi on October 1,

1990.

2. Choose three main causes of the Liberation War and explain why they

are important to you.

3. Choose two main consequences and explain what you would have

done to sort out those problems.

4. Write down two pages on challenges and achievements of the

Government of National Unity.

Section B

Write two short essays (not more than 750 words) evaluating:

a. The Liberation War (1990-1994)

b. The Government of National Unity (1994-2003)

GLOSSARY

Ambiguous: Open to two or more interpretations; or of uncertain nature or

significance; or (often) intended to mislead

Asylum: A shelter from danger or hardship

Detachment: A small unit of troops of special composition

Feudal: Of or relating to or characteristic of feudalism= The social system that

developed in Europe in the 8th century; vassals were protected by lords who they

had to serve in war

Fluid: Subject to change; variable

Gunshot: The act of shooting a gun

Hail: Praise vociferously or Greet enthusiastically or joyfully

Ignite: Cause to start burning; subject to fire or great heat or Arouse or excite feelings

and passions

Miscellaneous: Consisting of a haphazard assortment of different kinds or having

many aspects

Mitigate: Make less severe or harsh orlessen or to try to lessen the seriousness or

extent of

Petition: A formal message requesting something that is submitted to an authority

Portfolio: The role of the head of a government department

Prerogative: A right reserved exclusively by a particular person or group

Propagandist: A person who disseminates messages calculated to assist some

cause or some government

Protocol: The original copy of any writing, especially an agreement

Ransack: Steal goods; take as spoils

Reincarnation: A second or new birth

Retaliation: Action taken in return for an injury or offence

Safe haven: A protected zone in a country, especially one designated for members

of an ethnic or religious minority

Satellite: Surrounding and dominated by a central authority or power

Scapegoat: Someone who is punished for the errors of others

Standstill: A situation in which no progress can be made or no advancement is

possible

Unrest: A state of agitation or turbulent change or development

Unwavering: Marked by firm determination or resolution; not shakeable

Vanguard: The position of greatest importance or advancement; the leading

position in any movement or field or Any creative group active in the innovation and

application of new concepts and techniques in a given field (especially in the arts)

Volatile: Liable to lead to sudden change or violence