Social Studies for LE SME

Key Unit competence:

The student-teacher should be able to explain genocide against the Tutsi, achievements and challenges of Rwandan Government and analyze the preventive measures of genocide against the Tutsi from happening again in Rwanda and elsewhere in the world.

Introductory Activity

From April to July 1994, Rwanda has experienced the genocide against the Tutsi. This has negatively affected the Rwandan society so that it was a great challenge to the government of national unity to rebuild the nation.

Analyze the consequences brought by the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and the challenges faced by the government of Rwanda in reconstruction of social fabric.

6.1 Causes, course and effects of genocide against the Tutsi

Learning activity 6.1

Using various documents and movies talking about the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda, analyze the causes, course and effects of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

6.1.1. Causes that led to the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda

It is so hard to identify the roots - causes of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda in reference to the bonds that linked Rwandans before the coming of colonizers. In fact, during this period, all Rwandans were united and shared the elements for national cohesion like the same king, clan, language, ideals or values, army, culture and country. But, the following factors had contributed to the disunity of Banyarwanda and led to the genocide:

The loss of cultural identity

During the colonial period, the colonial masters deliberately applied a policy of “divide and rule”. The colonialists took the Tutsi and Hutu as two distinct “ethnic groups” instead of looking them as two social categories. The loss of their common cultural identity and the policy of divide and rule resulted in the first programs and massacres of 1959 and very far to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.

The hatred culture of Rwandans vis-à-vis other Rwandans under the two Republics

Rooted from colonial period and because of bad leadership under the First and the Second Republics, the hatred culture was promoted and supported by divisionism worsened by regionalism and nepotism under the First and the Second Republics. This undermined the national unity among the Rwandans.

Institutionalization of untruthfulness and the culture of impunity

Under the two Republics, the crimes were committed with the beliefs that the culprits will never be apprehended. Indeed, some people who committed big and atrocious crimes were rewarded by being promoted to important administrative positions.

The poor management of resources and poor conditions of life

In Rwanda there was an imbalance between the demographic growth and economic production. The problem did not come from the population, but rather from poor management of the available resources and denial of other to share the little available hence to eliminate one part of Rwandans in hope to be satisfied.

The misinterpretation of social inequality among the Rwandans

During the colonial period, the colonizers had favored the Tutsi aristocracy which was in power and their children to the detriment of other social classes. Under the two Republics, the social inequality was maintained and encouraged by exclusion and favoritism. The climat of this social inequality led to the massacres of 1990 – 1993, preparing the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.

The ethnic based ideology

All above suggested causes could not lead to a crime of genocide without any genocidal ideology. The genocidal ideology identified the two antagonist groups like “Us” and “Them” or “You” and after proceeded by the nomination or qualification of those two groups.

With the attack of RPF – Inkotanyi in October 1990, the ideological speeches pointed out the “double threat presented by the Tutsi (of internal and of external) against the Hutu”. Between 1990 and 1994, the Tutsi have been qualified as the “enemy”, “outsiders” and “suspected” complots. From those qualifications, many newspapers and medias in general, called upon all Hutu for their self-defense, “to kill before being killed”. It was the same ideology which has guided the extremist Hutu to commit genocide against the Tutsi.

The bad governance under the two First Republics

Independent Rwanda experienced poor governance. It was characterized by indoctrination of part of the population with extremist, genocidal ideology. It was marked by a divisionism done by the press which preached ethnic hatred. In addition, the regime of Kayibanda and Habyarimana were characterized by predominance of single political party systems namely MDR-PARMEHUTU and MRND respectively for the 1st Republic and the Second Republic. Opposition political activity was prohibited under these two regimes.

6.1.2. Course of the genocide against the Tutsi

Genocide against the Tutsi started in the night of 6th April 1994, immediately after the crash of the Presidential airplane. Planners of the genocide saw in the death of the president a precious occasion to carry out a general massacre of the Tutsi as well as physical and ideological elimination of Hutu in the opposition. The attack against the presidential plane and his shooting down took place in the Kanombe military zone. 

From the early hours of 7th April 1994, following the power vacuum and incitement from the media and genocidal planners, the presidential guards, Interehamwe and Impuzamugambi militias started a systematic elimination of Tutsi and key political personalities of the opposition. By the mid-morning of 7thApril 1994, the genocide movement had already spread to various regions of Rwanda.

On the same date of April 7th, 1994 there was a meeting of the High Command of the F.A.R (Forces Armées Rwandaise) (Rwandese Army Forces) at E.S.M (Ecole Supérieure Militaire) (High Military School) after which “Hirondelle operation” was adopted. It considered of violating the cease-fire and breaking

the fighting against RPF. By this operation, the Kigali City was “cleaned” using the list of the people to be killed just established.

On 8th April 1994, a new government was installed. The former president of CND (Conseil National de Développement) (National Council of Development) and member of MRND, Théodore Sindikubwabo became the President of the Republic.

A picture of President Théodore Sindikubwabo, Head of State under “Abatabazi government” (April 9, 1994 – July 19, 1994).

Source:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Th%C3%A9odore_Sindikubwabo#/media/File:Theodore_sindikubwabo.png

Jean Kambanda, from the extremist wing of MDR known as Hutu power became head of the government. On the following day, an official communiqué announced the formation of a new government (called, by itself, “Abatabazi”) (rescuers).It was made up of extremist leaders of five parties, four of which belonged to the so-called opposition (MDR, PSD, PL and PDC).

A picture of Kambanda Jean, Prime Minister of Abatabazi government.

Source:https://real-life-villains.fandom.com/wiki/Jean_Kambanda

In a meeting held on the 11th April 1994, the interim Prime Minister Kambanda Jean called on leaders at L’Hôtel des Diplomates in Kigali, apart from Jean Baptiste Habyalimana, the leader of Butare Province, to apply in their respective Prefectures “Hirondelle operation”. He also openly called for “Insecticide operation” and what he called “the final solution” aimed at systematic extermination of the Tutsi and their accomplices, without “sparing neither babies, nor women, nor aged people as the insecticide does to cockroaches”. It was after this meeting that genocide spread throughout the whole country.

The night of April 6th – 11th, 1994, there was assassination of Prime Minister Uwiringiyimana Agatha, 10 Belgian of UN Peacekeeper soldiers, several ministers, opposition political leaders, businessmen and civil servants in Kigali City.

After the 11th April 1994 horror had spread throughout the entire country except Gitarama and Butare Prefectures.

April 12th, 1994, the government of Kambanda auto called “Abatabazi” fled the capital of Kigali due to the advance of the RPF – Inkotanyi and settled in Gitarama, at Murambi.

April 19th, 1994; Butare plunged into genocide and massacres after the inflaming speech of President Sindikubwabo Théodore after the dismissal of the Prefet of Butare. After April 21st, it was now the turn of Gitarama to sink low in Genocide after the dismissal of Uwizeye Fidele (Préfet) by Jean Kambanda.

In order to accelerate the massacre and ensure extermination of the Tutsis, the government had distributed large quantities of arms and ammunition to the militia and local population under the guise of “civil self-defense”. It was in this context that the so-called security system was strengthened.

Finally, it should be noted that it was the RPF – Inkotanyi soldiers who stopped the genocide and everywhere they were scored victory over the genocidal forces. It was on 4th July 1994 with the liberation of Kigali City and Butare that the 1990 – 1994 Liberation War was generally over and genocide stopped.

6.1.3. Effects of the genocide against the Tutsi

The consequences of the genocide are numerous at all levels of life and the most negative impact of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi is the human disaster never seen in the country. In fact, more than one million of men, women and children had been killed in 100 days.

The genocide against the Tutsi led to the destruction of infrastructures and equipment where the public properties like offices, communication lines, etc. and private properties like the houses were massively destroyed.

Another consequence of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi is physical mutilations. Frankly speaking, during this genocide, the perpetrators did not only kill the victims but they also damaged the body of some Tutsi who managed to survive.

The 1994 genocide against Tutsi led to a high level of psychological trauma. This situation was caused by the sexual abuse like raping and torturing of the victims by the killers.

Excessive degradation of human dignity this was due to inhuman crimes committed during this genocide like cannibalism, raping even the burial of live people in some areas. In some areas, also the killers mutilated the body of victims.

In addition, the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi had caused the devastation of the environment. For instance, many forests had been cut down, huge plantations had also been damaged, and number of domestic animals belonging to the Tutsi had also been slaughtered and consumed.

There is also increase in the HIV/AIDS prevalence in post genocidal period because during the genocide against the Tutsi, the perpetrators used the rape of women and girls as their weapon.

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi led to the decadence of the country’s economy. During the period of genocide, most of the active population was involved in committing it, the economic activities were abandoned because the perpetrators were killing the Tutsi while the victims obviously could not work and participate in such economic activities.

Disgrace of Rwanda’s international image: after the genocide against the

Tutsi, the image of country was only seen in negative sense by considering almost all the Rwandans as the killers. The Rwanda was also seen as a country totally destroyed and without any humanity.

Rapid increase of the number of widows and orphans and that of the disabled people: the genocide against the Tutsi led to the death of more than one million of the Tutsi and left many widows and orphans who had lost their family’s members.

Application activity 6.1

No reason could justify the reasons for the outbreak of a genocide. However, some root-causes have led to the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Explain the factors that led to this genocide and its consequences on the Rwandan society.

6.2. Challenges and achievements of Rwandan government after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.

Learning activity 6.2

Observe and describe the above drawing. How do you link it with the challenges faced by Rwandans after the genocide against the Tutsi?

6.2.1. Challenges faced by the Rwandan government after the

1994 genocide against the Tutsi

After stopping the genocide against the Tutsi by RPF Inkotanyi on the 4th July 1994, a new government was set up on the 19th July 1994. This government of National Unity during the transitional period faced the following challenges:

Problems of insecurity

Although the RPF had captured the power and a transitional government had been put in place, the security situation was still fluid, with the former government forces and Interahamwe militia that were still carrying out genocide in various part of the country. In addition, infiltrators from refugee camps across the border from Zaire (today Democratic Republic of Congo) continued to cross and destabilize the country.

Political and administrative vacuum

The Government of National Unity inherited a country without political and administrative institutions, due to the chaos provoked by the Interim Government. Most of civil servants were either killed or have left the country and the political institutions were destroyed.

Suspicion and mistrust among the Rwandan population

Since Rwanda’s social cohesion had fractured due to the divisive politics that preceded the genocide, suspicion and mistrust characterized relationships between Rwandans. Thus, the new government inherited a deeply scarred nation where trust within and between social groups had been replaced by fear and betrayal. This lack of trust between people posed a serious challenge to the functioning of institutions because the vision of the Government of National Unity was not shared by all stakeholders.

Broken judicial system

The Government of National Unity inherited a broken justice sector. More than 140, 000 genocide suspects had been arrested yet there were insufficient prison infrastructures to host them. Their detention became a huge challenge in terms of feeding, and provision of medical and other services. The Laws were also outdated, obscure and inadequate. For example, there was no law for punishing those who had committed genocide.

Lack of shelter for refugees and other vulnerable people

Tens of thousands of internally displaced people, especially genocide survivors whose houses had been destroyed, were looking for housing facilities. About three million Rwandan refugees taken as hostage by the defeated genocidal forces in current DRC and some in Tanzania and Burundi were brought back home by the Transitional Government.

Economic slowdown

As a result, post–genocide Rwanda faced a number of economic challenges including an unstable macroeconomic environment. In addition, there was low private investment. As a result, the country lacked a serious and vibrant private sector to drive economic growth. In the public sector too, there was a high unskilled labor force. For example, in 1994, at least 79% of civil servants in the country had not done tertiary education. To make matters worse, skilled professionals had been particularly either targeted in the genocide or had fled the country. In brief, the Government of National Unity inherited an economy completely destroyed by the genocide and mismanagement.

A bleak health sector

The genocide against the Tutsi has negatively affected the health sector in Rwanda. This sector was weak in Rwanda; just after the genocide against the Tutsi. The personnel in health services were few and poorly trained. On one hand, this situation was greatly exacerbated by the genocide in which a number of health personnel had either participated in or had fled the country. On the other hand, some health workers had been killed. Few refugees that had returned from exile settled in Kigali. Malnutrition levels were also very high. Infant as well as maternal mortality rates were equally high due to poor health service delivery.

The prevalence of water-borne diseases and other conditions related to poor sanitation was among the highest in Africa at that time. The high infection rate of transmittable diseases, especially HIV and AIDS was equally high. This pandemic disease had worsened during the genocide because rape was used as a war weapon.

6.2.2. Achievements of the Rwandan government after genocide

On July 19th 1994, the Government of National Unity was put in place with Pasteur Bizimungu as President, Major General Paul Kagame, as Vice President and Faustin Twagiramungu as Prime Minister. During the establishment of the transitional institutions in July 1994, only RPF, MDR and PSD, PL, PDC, PSR, UDPR and PDI were officially recognized. Later on, MDR was excluded from accepted political parties because of its divisive ideology.

After facing a lot of problems, this government scored the following achievements:

Safeguarding national security

After the genocide against the Tutsi, the security in Rwanda was extremely unstable as there were still unhealed wounds from the war. Most of the population was displaced, creating a volatile situation in the country. Military strategies were devised to find solution and eradicate the thousands of military groups and ex-combatants who continued to torment and kill citizens. To put an end to this destabilization, the Government of Rwanda proceeded to the repatriation of refugees from Zaïre, current DRC and military operations aiming at weakening the combatants.

Politico-administrative reforms and fighting against injustice

From its inauguration on July 19th 1994, the Government set up administrative structures from the top to the bottom in order to fulfil the Political and administrative vacuum. Due to lack of time to produce the most appropriate administrative framework, it maintained the structure left by the defeated regime namely central government, provinces (préfectures), districts (communes), sectors and cells.

To reinforce good governance in Rwanda, anti-corruption and public accountability institutions were created by the Government. Their operational capacity continued to be strengthened so as to achieve greater accountability. They include the Office of the Ombudsman, Office of the Auditor General for State Finances, Rwanda Public Procurement Authority and Rwanda Revenue Authority. These institutions are mandated to fight injustice, corruption and abuse by public officials and related offences in both public and private administration and to promote the principles of good governance based on accountability and transparency.

Promotion of unity and reconciliation

In 1999, the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) was formally instituted by the Parliament through the passing of law No 03/99 of 12 March 1999 and with the broad mandate of promoting and fostering reconciliation among Rwandans, the NURC has enjoyed political will and support from the highest political levels since its commencement. Rapidly, the Government of National Unity fought and eliminated all constraints of national unity such as “ethnicity” and regionalism. For instance, “ethnic” labels were removed from identity cards.

To strengthen the national unity and reconciliation, the Government of National Unity introduced several structures and programmes that were meant to correct past errors that led to war and genocide. These structures include the National Commission of Human Rights, the Gacaca Jurisdictions, Commission Nationale de Lutte Contre le Genocide (CNLG) (National Commission for the Fight Against Genocide) and Rwanda Demobilization Commission.

Remaking justice

After genocide against the Tutsi, there is significant to the people of Rwanda to feel that no reconciliation is possible without justice. In order to guarantee the justice to all Rwandans, the Government of National Unity set up Gacaca Court through Organic Law n˚ 40/2000 of 26 /01/2001, governing the creation of Gacaca Courts and organizing the prosecution of Genocide crimes and other crimes against humanity committed between the 1st October 1990 and the 31st December 1994, published in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Rwanda, 15th March 2001.It was officially launched on 18th June 2002.In addition, Mediation Committee, known as Abunzi, was also set established by organic law n° 02/2010/OL of 09/06/2010 on organization, jurisdiction, competence and functioning of the mediation committee published in Official Gazette n°24 Bis of 14/06/2010.

The Government of National Unity decided to ease pressure on the criminal justice system by categorizing genocide suspects according to the crimes they were accused of. In this regard, category 1 was composed of the planners and perpetrators of the genocide.

This new process significantly sped up trials and sentencing, which if they had been restricted to conventional courts would take over 200 years to complete. The Gacaca courts also had the advantage of involving the community in the trial and sentencing process. The Government believed that involving the population in the trials could also contribute significantly to reconciliation. In fact, testimonies from the general population helped survivors to discover the corpses of the family members killed during the genocide. Moreover, some perpetrators demanded pardon from the survivors.

Assistance to the most vulnerable people

Almost all the Rwandan population that had survived genocide and war was described as vulnerable. The vulnerable people included Rwandan refugees and repatriated displaced people, genocide survivors, single children and orphans, widows, people with disabilities, the poor, HIV/AIDS victims and prisoners.

The survivors of genocide were part of the most important vulnerable groups in the country. The Government handled them as a priority. In 1998, an (Genocide Survivors Fund) Fonds d’Assistance aux Rescapes du Genocide (FARG) was set up. It was allocated 5% of the national budget, so that, it can achieve its goals of assisting the genocide survivors.

From 1994, the orphans and single-children received assistance of varied nature. For some of them, houses were constructed; others were trained and given supplies in reception centers. In this way, they received physical

and mental health-care, education and social integration facilities. Some of them were able to reunite with members of their families.

Health promotion

During the period of emergency, from 1994 and 2003, a particular focus was put on the improvement of health infrastructure given the role that the latter plays in the improvement of health. Some new hospitals were constructed and old ones were constantly rehabilitated or expanded. Several health centers were also constructed while old ones were repaired gradually. In 1996 the majority of health facilities (hospitals, health centers and dispensaries) started to provide both curative and preventive treatment.Health staff increased qualitatively and quantitatively. However, the Government resorted to foreign doctors from neighboring countries and even beyond to solve the problem of inadequate medical personnel.

The government policy of encouraging the people to participate in health programs was successful. The Rwandan Sickness Insurance Scheme (RAMA) was established to ensure that government civil servants get proper medical insurance coverage. It started business in 2001.Community Based Health Insurance, commonly known as “Mutuelle de Santé, was piloted since 1999 and became countrywide mandatory in 2008.

Meritocracy and skills enhancement in education

On its coming to office, the Government of National Unity immediately instituted meritocracy in education system and in service. Then, measures were put in place to address the country’s manpower incapacity.

In education, the Government introduced universal primary education, established education support institutions such as the National Curriculum Development Centre, the General Inspectorate of Education and Examinations Board. The National Examination Council was introduced to ensure fairness, transparency and uniformity in standards.

In public service, the Law No 39/2012 of 24/12/2012 determining the responsibilities, the organization and functioning of the Public Service Commission was passed. The Commission is responsible for ensuring that policies, the principles and laws governing public service recruitments and administration are adhered to and put into effect by all Government institutions.

Enhancing economic growth and development

Due to Liberation War and the genocide, the country’s infrastructure was destroyed. Between July 1994 and 2000, the Government of National Unity

put in place an emergency programme of reconstruction. In this regard, policies and programmes of economic recovery and social welfare were put in place. In addition, the Government had to restore favorable conditions for economic and social activities.

In 2000, the Government of Rwanda started formulating long term policies. They included Vision 2020 and the Strategic Plan for the Reduction of poverty (EDPRS) which was published in June 2000. These two strategic programs demonstrated remarkable dynamism because they inspired subsequent policies which were designed in all government sectors.

The process of privatization of government enterprises started in 1996. Many enterprises were put up for privatization and shares were sold to local or foreign investors. The government made it a priority to diversify Rwanda’s economic base.

Promotion of gender equality

In this field, one of the Government and civil society priorities were to strengthen capacity building programmes for women in all fields. The Government set up the National Commission for Women’s Rights which played an important role in revising the law and culture. In addition, laws on inheritance were reformulated. In addition, the gender factor was integrated in all national policies on Rwanda’s long-term development.

In political domain, the Government encouraged women to get involved in decision making organs. This started from the first electoral campaigns of 1999, 2001 and 2003. The Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda of 2003 as amended in 2015, stipulates that women shall occupy at least 30% of the decision-making organs in the country.

Application activity 6.2

From 1994 up to 2003, the government of the national unity has faced many challenges but it managed to score some achievements. Examine those challenges and achievements.

6.3. Forms and channels of genocide denial and ideology.

Learning activity 6.3

The genocide denial and ideology are expressed through the different forms and channels. Identify and describe the forms of genocide denial.

Genocide denial occurs when an act of genocide is met with attempts to deny the occurrence and minimize the scale or death toll. It is an attempt to deny or minimize statements of the scale and severity of an incidence of genocide. To some extent, the genocide denial is defined as the final stage of a genocidal process and the erasing of the memories of the victim group. 

Since 1994, the genocide denial has taken three main forms: Literal genocide denial, interpretative and implicatory genocide denial. In the case of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, all these three forms of genocide denial are more or less linked one to another.

6.3.1. Literal genocide denial

The literal genocide denial involves negating the facts of genocide, silencing talk of genocidal plans and killings, literal denial becomes harder to sustain once evidence emerges that genocide plans were made and executed right across Rwanda.

Knowledge may be directly denied, sometimes even in the face of clear evidence to the contrary. Silence, indifference and treating evidence as if it does not merit serious consideration, are all strategies of literal genocide denial.

Literal genocide denial was mainly confined to the private sphere during the early post-genocide years. It still appears in some research, in internet blogs, and among the lawyers of those accused of genocide at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.

6.3.2. Interpretative genocide denial

The interpretative genocide denial reframes or relabels the events of the genocide, viewing them as part and parcel of civil war. This form of genocide denial becomes the dominant form of genocide denial around1999-2003 in post-genocide Rwanda. It involves categorizing evidence that is established, and goes beyond negating, ignoring or silencing talk of genocide.

Interpretative genocide denial involves use of euphemisms and the relativizing of atrocities by one’s own ‘side as an’ as an understandable response to the threat of the ‘other side.’ In the media and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the most common expression of interpretative denial was to present the genocide against the Tutsi as simply part of as simply part of a wider ‘civil war’ of all against all, rather than a targeted genocide.

Interpreting data in order to ‘prove’ the double genocide thesis is part of interpretative genocide denial, therefore. And such accusations of double genocide started even before the genocide began. In fact, there is no doubt that genocide denial has been a political weapon of perpetrators since even before the genocide of Tutsi took place in 1994.

6.3.3. Implicatory genocide denial

This third form of genocide denial consists of revengeful counter-accusations, and explicit justification for one’s position, through anticipatory counter – accusation against the other party.The aim is also to exonerate all atrocities and lay the blame on others. In implicatory denial the other side is always guilty of: lies, propaganda, ideology, disinformation or prejudice, and thus of triggering the genocide. Very often, implicatory genocide denial tries to prove that if genocide was committed, it was not by those accused but by the ‘other side’ in a civil war.

In Rwanda, since around 2003, implicatory genocide denial has been aimed at restoring a sense of self-worth among those accused of genocide crimes. The implicatory genocide denial becomes prevalent and involves explicit counter-accusations that genocide was planned by those previously viewed as saving the victims. At an individual level, a perpetrator engaged in this kind of implicatory reversal when he/she claims the survivors associations only exist to persecute Hutu in general, and the prisoners in particular. A double genocide thesis is part of both the interpretative and implicatory forms of genocide denial.

The most channels of genocide denial and ideology are the books, the newspapers, the public speeches, the films etc.

Application activity 6.3

Prove that all three forms of genocide denial have been used to deny the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

6.4. Measures of preventing genocide ideology at primary, secondary and tertiary levels

Learning activity 6.4

Visit a genocide memorial site near your school. Ask the resource person at the site to tell you the history of the place.

Write a report of how the genocide ideology was spread, the preparation and executions of mass killings at the site of the memorial and suggest the way it can be prevented.

Prevention is a continuous process that aims at avoiding the occurrence of something harmful by tackling the causes of the harm prior to it and at each phase of the process to its occurrence and after. Genocide Prevention is any action that works toward averting a future genocide.

The prevention at the primary level consists of measures aiming at creating an environment that reduces the risk of its escalation. At this phase the aim is to put in place measures that may pre-empt the start of the harm. This means preventive measures that may avoid the occurrence of the harm by tackling its root causes. Prevention will therefore include the adoption of measures that not only prohibit the harm but also put in place mechanisms that ensure the prevention of that harm.

Among other things to consider when assessing and addressing the risk of genocide is looking at structural and institutional frameworks in the country - including domestic legislation, an independent judiciary and an effective police force - to protect people.

Prevention of genocide at secondary level is necessary in two situations. Firstly, in case a state has not adopted measures at the primary level and secondly, in case the measures adopted before did not prevent the risks of genocide from developing.

The secondary prevention takes place when genocide is already taking place. At this level, many genocidal actions are observed, such as hatred, intolerance, racism, ethnic cleansing, torture, sexual violence, disappearances, dehumanizing and public discourse. 

The main focus is to end the genocide before it progresses further and claims more lives. Measures tailored to the situation are taken in order to prevent the risk from materializing or the situation from becoming worse.

This level of prevention may involve military intervention of some sort, especially when it is in an armed conflict context on one hand. On the other, the peaceful prevention is chosen because it saves lives and does not require costly intervention.

Prevention of genocide at tertiary level consists of measures that are needed in order to respond to this final phase of the genocide. Tertiary prevention focuses on avoiding genocide in future by rebuilding, restoring the community and dealing with all the consequences to repair the damage caused. In other words, the tertiary prevention level also deals with all consequences in order not only to repair the damage but also to avoid the reoccurrence of the harm.

Important measures are needed to put an end to the harm. According to the international humanitarian law, the international community has the obligation to intervene once all signs are clear enough to prove that genocide is happening.

Application activity 6.4

As a student teacher, suggest the preventive measures to be adopted in order to prevent the genocide at different levels.

6.5. Challenges faced in the process of preventing genocide and solutions to the challenges faced.

Learning activity 6.5

Carry out a research about the prevention of the genocide, then study the different challenges faced in the process of preventing the genocide. 

While fighting and preventing genocide, there are many challenges including the following:

The first challenge is related to lack of certainty that the presence of factors at different phases may lead to genocide and the second is the uncertainty on whether the preventive measures to be taken can prevent it. At advanced phases, the degree of certainty of occurrence may still not be clear. The process to genocide cannot be understood as an exact science. That is why it may be argued that the answer to the lack of certainty may be negative.

In fact, by the time this is clear, it might be too late to prevent genocide from happening and too difficult to do it without causing other problems. The analogy with the prevention of environmental damage which does not require full scientific certainty can help to understand the uncertainty of the occurrence of genocide. The fact that there may not be a linear process to genocide that is identical everywhere is a big challenge.

Another important challenge is that there is no institution that assesses the factors and phases in order to determine who takes which measures, when to take them, how and where to implement them.

On the question whether certainty that preventive measures to be taken would totally prevent the occurrence of genocide is needed, the answer is negative as well.

Given the nature of prevention and the process to genocide, it is very difficult for the preventer to be sure beforehand that the preventive measures to be taken will definitely prevent the occurrence of genocide.

Even though preventing of genocide is not so easy at every levels due to different challenges; the following are some solutions to be adopted in preventive process:

The role of the international community as solution to the challenges faced in the process of preventing genocide:

Once the challenges are identified, the international community should:

• Prevent armed conflict, which usually provides the context for genocide;

• Protect civilians in armed conflict, including the mandate for United Nations peacekeepers;

• End impunity through judicial action in both national and international courts;

• Gather military information and set up an early-warning system; and

• Take quick and decisive action along a continuum of steps, including military action.

At Regional level, African countries, for example, are committed to overcome the challenges by developing distinct methods for engaging with concerns that fall within the borders of their member states. The African Union (AU) is significantly more engaged in the region than its predecessor, the OAU.

In Africa, there is establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (PSC) and the African Standby Force (ASF) as part of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). The agenda of such institutions cover comprehensive agenda for peace and security. 

The Eastern Africa Standby Force (EASF) created by the decision of the Summit of the African Union held in July 2004 in Addis Ababa, is a constituent organization of the African Standby Force (ASF). Yet, a number of the regional organizations still lack the resources, logistical and communication capacities to effectively enforce the peace.

At national level, in case of Rwanda, in the aftermath of genocide, measures have been taken to face the immediate consequences and to prevent genocide from happening again. Such measures include the following:

• Prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide, fighting against denial and in revisionism of genocide as well as eradication of genocide ideology and all its manifestations;

•Eradication of discrimination and divisionism based on ethnicity, region or on any other ground as well as promotion of national unity;

• Building a State governed by the rule of law, a pluralistic democratic Government, equality of all people and between men and women.

• In Rwanda, the laws punishing the crime of genocide and the genocide ideology have been elaborated and Gacaca court was set up in order to speed up the trial of genocide cases.

• Special organ to monitor and implement these principles has been created, the National Commission for the Fight against Genocide established by Law Nº09/2007 of 16/02/2007.

Application activity 6.5

In order to be successful in process of preventing genocide, we should be able to overcome the challenges faced. Suggest the solutions adopted in order to meet with those challenges.

6.6. Ndi Umunyarwanda: background, Rwandan values and taboos as well as their role in sustainable development

Learning activity 6.6

Briefly, describe the “Ndi Umunyarwanda programme” as a life style for restoring and strengthening unity among the Rwandans.

Ndi Umunyarwanda: Background

Since the coming of Europeans in Rwanda, the Rwanda’s history has been characterized by divisionism based on ethnic discrimination and regional exclusion. All those acts have paralyzed and destroyed the unity of the Rwandans, leading to the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994.

The history of pre-colonial Rwanda demonstrates that the Rwandan identity (Ubunyarwanda) was the foundation for building a nation and protecting it. The belief that the Rwandans had a common identity has guided them to share the spirit of patriotism and being proud of their country.

The Rwandan identity was built on values and taboos that Rwandans were trained to respect each other since early childhood. The Rwandans spoke the same language and also shared the same religion and culture. They lived side by side and were ruled by one king who was the symbol of their unity.

They were grouped in clans like Abanyiginya, abasinga, abega, abagesera and abazigaba among others.

When the European colonialists arrived in Rwanda, the Rwandans were strongly united. Those colonialists had to destroy such unity among the Rwandans and their fundamental values for easy administration. They started by using the existing social classes, namely Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. The social classes were turned into ethnic groups and the colonialists gave them mythical origin and, later on, identity card. The First and the Second Republics had maintained the same discrimination based on social classes, especially the hate towards the Tutsi and regionalism: Rukiga versus Nduga. All those discrimination

On the 1st October 1990, the RPF Inkotanyi launched a liberation struggle in order to free all Rwandans. It was during this liberation war that the regime of Habyarimana started planning and preparing the genocide against the Tutsi. This one, as its final stage, was put into practice from the 7th April 1994 until it was stopped on 4th July 1994, the date on which the country was liberated.

By July 19th 1994, the government of national unity was set up with the main aim of restoring the national unity and reconciliation among the Rwandans. In this regard, the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) was set up with the aim to implement the Rwandans’ unity and building a new Rwanda backed by good governance. To enhance this, Ndi Umunyarwanda; means “I am Rwandan”, was adopted.

“Ndi Umunyarwanda programme” is the idea given in 2013 during the “Youth connect” where the youth wanted to switch from ancient history of their parents. This idea was welcomed by the Nation Unity and Reconciliation commission and, by the 6th retreat of the Unity Club of 2013; Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme was officially launched. In addition, by the 7th retreat of Unity Club (On 8th November 2014), “Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme” was evaluated and integrated in daily life of the Rwandans.

Ndi Umunyarwanda is a programme initiated in order to build a national identity based on trust and dignity. It aims to strengthen unity and reconciliation among Rwandans by providing a forum for people to talk about the causes and consequences of the genocide as well as what it means to be Rwandan.

Ndi Umunyarwanda: Rwandan values and taboos

Ndi Umunyarwanda is composed of three key components including upholding the Rwandan identity, respecting values and taboos characterizing the Rwandans.

The main values characterizing a true Rwandans are patriotism and the love of his fellow citizens, bravery, unity, integrity, politeness, hardworking and excellence in service delivery. Other values are having the spirit for dialogue and being analytical while solving problems.

According to “Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme”, a true Rwandan should respect taboos. Those taboos include the following:

• It is a taboo to put personal interests ahead of general interests;

• It is a taboo to associate with agents of destabilization against Rwanda;

• It is a taboo to harbor the genocide ideology or inculcate it in others.

Upholding the Rwandan identity is accepting your identity as Rwandan and believing that Rwanda is your country that you love and for which you can die.

Putting Rwanda and Rwandans ahead of everything is the foundation for “Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme”. Resilience and sacrifice are some of the factors behind the success of “Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme”.

Ndi Umunyarwanda: its role in sustainable development of Rwanda

Ndi Umunyarwanda is a daily lifestyle of working way whereby every Rwandan citizen is proud of whom he/she is, and values her/his fellow country mate citizen’s fellowship who bears the national interest at heart and works relentless his/her part toward achieving the development and the defense of our nation Rwanda.

Ndi Umunyarwanda programme includes actions aiming to build the Rwandan identity like dialogues whose targets are to mend Rwandan’s wounds and injuries left by the tragic history, and to have a brotherhood.

Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme is also understood as having an inner understanding of the relationship uniting Rwandans who are proud of being Rwandans, patriotism and will to protect and develop their country.

Ndi Umunyarwanda includes responsibility, rights and values and taboos geared towards promoting the roots of the Rwandan identity shared by all Rwandans. It brings trust, forgiveness, equal rights and freedoms, which build in all people the spirit of patriotism and the will to work for their country.

Application activity 6.6

1. Identify the values and taboos which should characterize a true Rwandan according to “Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme”.

2. Assess the role of “Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme” in building a nation.

Skills lab

Carry out different activities that can be done by them to fight against the genocide against the Tutsi and the genocide ideology.

End unit assessment

1. To which extent the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda was possible?

2. Demonstrate the impact of the genocide against the Tutsi on the Rwandan society.

3. Even if the government of National Unity has faced a lot of challenges, it has tried to overcome them, and then reach its

objectives. Examine the success of the government of national unity since 1994 up to 2003.

4. Why do you think that the government of Rwanda has upheld the Ndi Umunyarwanda Programme?